This paper investigates postverbal imperative subjects (e.g., get you to school), ungrammatical in standard English but grammatical in certain contexts in dialects of Scottish and Belfast English. Henry (1995) reports that unaccusative verbs generally allow postverbal subjects in Belfast English, but in the Scottish English (ScotE) dialect considered here, only a very restricted subset of verbs allow it. Moreover, in ScotE, the preposition away can appear without an overt verb (I’ll away to my bed); this also allows a postverbal subject in imperatives (away you to school). The ScotE data cast doubt on Henry’s (1995) proposal that the licensor of postverbal subjects is weak agreement. The paper argues that the subjects in these constructions are actually external arguments of small clauses (of which goal PPs are taken to be a subset following, e.g., Beck & Snyder 2001). The differences between dialects are located in the structure of resultatives; Belfast English allows Case to be assigned to the subject of small clauses in resultative constructions via a functional head endowed with a causation feature, allowing them to remain in situ in imperatives. In standard English, the causation feature is directly merged onto the verb, not allowing for Case assignment and forcing raising of the subject of the small clause. The ScotE data is argued to arise from the availability of a very ‘light’ verb which is realized as get in some contexts and as silence in others.

中文翻译：

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结果式、目标 PP 和动词后主语：从苏格兰到贝尔法斯特

本文研究了动词后命令式主题（例如，送你上学)，在标准英语中不合语法，但在苏格兰和贝尔法斯特英语的方言中在某些情况下合乎语法。Henry (1995) 报告说，在贝尔法斯特英语中，非宾格动词通常允许动词后主语，但在此处考虑的苏格兰英语 (ScotE) 方言中，只有非常有限的动词子集允许它。此外，在 ScotE 中，介词离开可以在没有明显动词的情况下出现 (我会离开我的床); 这也允许动词后主语出现在祈使句中（带你去上学）。ScotE 的数据对 Henry (1995) 的提议提出了质疑，即语言后主题的许可人是弱一致的。该论文认为，这些结构中的主语实际上是小从句的外部论据（其中的目标 PP 被视为一个子集，例如 Beck & Snyder 2001）。方言的区别在于结果式的结构；贝尔法斯特英语允许通过赋予因果关系特征的功能头将格分配给结果结构中的小从句的主题，从而使它们在命令式中保持原位。在标准英语中，因果关系特征直接合并到动词上，不允许格分配和强制提高小从句的主语。得到在某些情况下和在其他情况下保持沉默。