This paper investigates the reason why aggressively non-D-linked items such as wh-the-hell (WTH) are allowed in swiping, but not in sluicing. Investigating the potential syntactic, semantic and prosodic licensors of WTH in sluicing and swiping in the British English variety, we conclude that syntactic or semantic constraints cannot be the source of the difference. Instead, we propose a novel prosodic account in which the WTH must satisfy the prosodic licensing condition that it cannot bear nuclear accent. We show that this is satisfied in swiping, but not in sluicing contexts. On the basis of the novel findings of an acceptability rating study of swiping, which reveal that both ‘given’ and ‘new’ prepositions are equally acceptable for British English speakers, we argue that the preposition is accentuated in this elliptical construction because it is structurally the deepest element. The licensing condition on WTHs in sluicing and swiping is therefore not mediated directly by the conditions on ellipsis, but by the particular prosodic distribution that a WTH happens to have in sluicing and swiping. We extend the account to similar constructions in Dutch.

中文翻译：

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省略号中的核突出：来自积极的非 D 链接短语的证据

本文调查了积极的非 D 链接项目的原因，例如他妈的（WTH）可以刷卡，但不能放水。通过研究 WTH 在英式英语变体中的潜在句法、语义和韵律许可方，我们得出结论，句法或语义约束不能成为差异的根源。相反，我们提出了一种新颖的韵律帐户，其中 WTH 必须满足其不能承受核音调的韵律许可条件。我们表明，这在刷卡中得到了满足，但在 sluicing 上下文中却没有。基于 swiping 可接受性评级研究的新发现，表明“给定”和“新”介词对于说英国英语的人来说同样可以接受，我们认为介词在这种椭圆结构中得到强调，因为它在结构上最深的元素。因此，WTHs 的流水和刷卡许可条件不是直接由省略号条件调节，而是由 WTH 在流水和刷卡中恰好具有的特定韵律分布来调节。我们将帐户扩展到荷兰语中的类似结构。