Recently, national populist politics has been translated with the emergence of two overlapping narratives of Islamophobia and anti-EU immigration media discourses. Such discourses have been made highly visible in the increased spike in hate crimes that have been a hidden cost of the national(ist) debate about Britain leaving the European Union (Brexit). This is the context in which we can trace a remarkable shift in the state representation of the schooling of the South Asian/Muslim community and the reclassification from promoting South Asians as central to the future of a modernised multicultural Britain (1970s) to positioning Muslims as a ‘suspect community’ (2020). This article unpacks two cultural moments in the critical exploration of the State production of the Muslim School within a post-Trojan Horse era. First, a national dominant image of the Muslim School operating within the State ascribed ‘no-go’ ethno-religious Muslim neighbourhoods, as a repository of regressive (extreme) Islamist religiosity; thus, reconstructing their religious belief as racialised identities, as they disconnect from British values. Second, the No Outsiders programme, with the accompanying framing of intolerant (Muslim) parents. In this case, the ensuing tension between ‘homophobic Muslims’ and ‘British values’ sets in place a homogenisation of differences. Deploying a simultaneity of categories of difference perspective, we address an underlying discursive re-politicising of South Asian ethnic communities as religious communities, which is resulting in a perpetual negotiation of the meanings attached to being Muslim. This will enable an international application of the article beyond the specific focus on the city of Birmingham, identified in the international media as the Jihadi capital of Europe.

中文翻译：

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英国国家对穆斯林学校的生产：差异分析类别的同时性

最近，随着伊斯兰恐惧症和反欧盟移民媒体话语两种重叠叙述的出现，国家民粹主义政治得到了翻译。仇恨犯罪的数量激增使这种话语变得更加明显，仇恨犯罪是关于英国离开欧盟（英国脱欧）的全国辩论的隐性代价。在这种背景下，我们可以追溯到南亚/穆斯林社区的学历在国家代表方面的显着转变，以及从促进南亚人成为现代多元文化英国（1970年代）未来的中心到将穆斯林定位为穆斯林的重新分类。一个“可疑社区”（2020年）。本文在对穆斯林学校的国家生产进行批判性探索中揭示了两个文化时刻在后特洛伊木马时代。首先，在州内运作的穆斯林学校的国家主导形象将“不参加”的民族宗教穆斯林聚居区归为回归（极端）伊斯兰教宗教信仰的仓库。因此，当他们脱离英国价值观时，将他们的宗教信仰重建为种族身份。第二，没有局外人方案，以及对不宽容（穆斯林）父母的构架。在这种情况下，“同性恋恐惧症”和“英国价值观”之间随之产生的紧张关系使差异趋于同质。运用不同观点类别的同时性，我们解决了南亚族裔群体作为宗教社区的潜在的话语性再政治化问题，这导致了对与穆斯林有关的含义的永久性谈判。这将使该文章在国际上的应用超出对伯明翰市的特别关注，伯明翰市在国际媒体上被确定为欧洲圣战地。