government processes, womxn’s lack of access to land rights, all be understood as not only patriarchal but as varieties of son preference? Lastly, the collection largely focuses on how gender, and then race and class, act as mediators in experiences of and access to reproductive health and justice. This raises questions of how might access to and experiences of reproductive justice be shaped in other ways. For example, the last chapter on intersex activism, while insightful and thought-provoking, left me wondering what intersex persons’ experiences of reproductive (in)justice look like. Indeed, what might reproductive injustice look like for a range of groups of people, beyond those who experiences are represented in the collection? While authors do face space limitations, and it is unlikely that an edited collection will be fully inclusive, the decisions around which perspectives have been included/excluded may mean that Reproductive Justice and Sexual Rights unwittingly ends up offering a limited understanding of who counts as a reproductive subject. These criticisms aside, Reproductive Justice and Sexual Rights largely delivers on its promise to give academics and students, its stated audience, an opportunity to think critically about and understand reproductive health from a transnational approach. I would add that beyond academics and students, activists, policymakers, professionals and practitioners in the field of reproductive health, particularly, may find this collection insightful and useful.

中文翻译：

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劳伦·伯兰特和凯瑟琳·斯图尔特，数百人。

政府程序，womxn 无法获得土地权利，所有这些都不仅可以理解为重男轻女，还可以理解为各种重男轻女？最后，该系列主要关注性别，然后是种族和阶级，如何作为体验和获得生殖健康和正义的中介。这提出了如何以其他方式塑造生殖正义的获取和体验的问题。例如，关于双性人行动主义的最后一章，虽然富有洞察力和发人深省，但让我想知道双性人的生殖（不）正义经历是什么样的。事实上，对于一系列人群来说，除了那些经历过的人之外，生殖不公正会是什么样子？虽然作者确实面临篇幅限制，而且编辑后的集合不太可能完全包容，围绕哪些观点被包含/排除的决定可能意味着生殖正义和性权利最终会在不知不觉中最终对谁被视为生殖主题提供了有限的理解。撇开这些批评不谈，《生殖正义和性权利》在很大程度上兑现了其承诺，即为学术界和学生（即其指定受众）提供从跨国方法批判性思考和理解生殖健康的机会。我要补充的是，除了学术界和学生之外，生殖健康领域的活动家、政策制定者、专业人士和从业者尤其可能会发现这本书很有见地和有用。