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Similarities and Differences between Quantifier Raising and Wh Movement Out of Adjuncts
Syntax ( IF 0.7 ) Pub Date : 2019-10-17 , DOI: 10.1111/synt.12189
Misako Tanaka 1
Affiliation  

This article reports a set of experimental studies that support the following set of conclusions: (i) quantifier raising is sensitive to adjunct islands, (ii) wh movement is sensitive to adjunct islands, but (iii) quantifier raising and wh movement are not sensitive to adjunct islands in the same way. The experiments examined quantifier raising and wh‐argument extraction from three types of nontensed adjuncts: bare participial gerunds, after prepositional gerunds, and during PPs. The results provide an interesting puzzle. On the one hand, quantifier raising and wh movement shared a weak sensitivity to adjunct islands. On the other hand, the two operations behaved differently when it came to extraction from bare participial gerunds. I argue that this asymmetry results from the different interface constraints that quantifier raising and wh movement are subject to: Scope Economy and the Single‐Event‐Grouping Condition, respectively.

中文翻译:

量词提升与Wh移出辅助词之间的异同

本文报告了一组实验研究,这些研究支持以下结论:(i)量词增强对辅助岛敏感,(ii)wh的运动对辅助岛敏感,但是(iii)量词的增强和wh运动不敏感以相同的方式来附属岛屿。实验研究量词认识和WH -argument提取三种类型nontensed添加剂的:裸分词动名词,介词动名词,而PPS中。结果提供了一个有趣的难题。在一方面,量词认识和WH运动对附属岛屿的敏感性较弱。另一方面,当从裸露的参与性动植物中提取时,这两种操作表现不同。我认为,从不同的接口约束这种不对称的结果量词认识和WH运动受制于:分别范围经济和单事件分组条件。
更新日期:2019-10-17
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