Romance clitic left dislocation is widespread across all kinds of nonroot contexts, but it is forbidden in infinitive wh‐relatives. This article investigates the extent and nature of this restriction and the consequences it raises for the truncation and intervention analyses of the left periphery of embedded sentences. We will show that current proposals cannot account for the whole gamut of data. In consequence, we will propose that infinitive wh‐relatives display a maximally syncretic left periphery, whereas infinitive wh‐interrogatives have a full‐fledged left periphery, crucially involving ForceP, because they are selected by a higher predicate. This crucial difference between infinitive relatives and interrogatives will also be shown to be consistent with the existence of specialized complementizers for the former but not the latter.

中文翻译：

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浪漫中的不定式亲属：截断对干预辩论的后果

浪漫附着词素左错位跨越各种非根上下文的普遍，但它是在不定式禁止WH -relatives。本文研究了此限制的程度和性质，以及它对嵌入句子左边缘的截断和干预分析产生的后果。我们将证明，当前的提案无法说明全部数据。因此，我们将建议不定式的wh亲属显示出最大的合体左边缘，而不定式的wh疑问句具有完整的左边缘，至关重要地涉及到ForceP，因为它们是由较高的谓词选择的。不定亲属和疑问句之间的这一关键区别也将被证明与前者而非后者的专用补语的存在是一致的。