In this paper, we provide an in-depth study of the morphosyntactic behavior of negative verb clusters in the Finno-Ugric languages Udmurt and Mari. We argue that the standard treatment of negation as an auxiliary is inadequate for these languages as it does not explain its morphosyntactic and morphophonological behavior, which presents a challenging morphology-syntax-semantics mismatch: Despite taking high scope and governing the highest verb of the clause, negation surfaces immediately before the highest verb rather than at the end of the verb cluster as would be expected in head-final languages. Furthermore, we show that negation forms a complex unit with the highest verb of the clause and thus crucially differs from negative auxiliaries in other Finno-Ugric languages like Finnish and from other auxiliaries. We argue that the properties of negation are best modelled by means of postsyntactic Lowering (Embick and Noyer 2001). Next to the semantic vacuousness of the displacement, the main arguments for a postsyntactic perspective come from the internal constituency of the verb cluster, the possibility to interleave clitics inside the verb cluster only in the presence of negation, and cases where Lowering fails and a syntacto-semantically inert copula is inserted as a repair. We show that competing approaches to complex head formation based on narrow-syntactic head-movement, flexible spell-out in different positions or base-generation fail to capture the crucial properties of negative verb clusters. On a more general level, we thus provide evidence for the necessity of post-syntactic mechanisms for word formation and a serial architecture of the morphology-syntax interface.

中文翻译：

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Mari 和 Udmurt 中的否定动词簇以及为什么它们需要后句法自上而下的构词法

在本文中，我们对芬兰-乌戈尔语 Udmurt 和 Mari 中否定动词簇的形态句法行为进行了深入研究。我们认为，否定作为辅助的标准处理对于这些语言是不够的，因为它没有解释其形态句法和形态语音行为，这呈现出具有挑战性的形态-句法-语义不匹配：尽管采取了高范围并控制了该条款的最高动词, 否定立即出现在最高动词之前，而不是像在头尾语言中预期的那样出现在动词簇的末尾。此外，我们表明否定与从句的最高动词形成一个复杂的单位，因此与其他芬兰 - 乌戈尔语言（如芬兰语）和其他助词中的否定助词截然不同。我们认为否定的属性最好通过句后降低来建模（Embick 和 Noyer 2001）。除了置换的语义空洞性之外，后句法观点的主要论据来自动词簇的内部选区，仅在否定存在的情况下才可能在动词簇内插入附加词，以及降低失败和句法的情况- 语义上惰性的连接词作为修复插入。我们表明，基于窄句法头部运动、不同位置的灵活拼写或基础生成的复杂头部形成的竞争方法未能捕捉到否定动词簇的关键特性。在更一般的层面上，