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Two modes of dative and genitive case assignment: Evidence from two stages of Greek
Natural Language & Linguistic Theory ( IF 1.156 ) Pub Date : 2020-03-16 , DOI: 10.1007/s11049-020-09465-z
Elena Anagnostopoulou , Christina Sevdali

In this paper, we compare the properties of dative and genitive objects in Classical vs. Modern Greek. Based on the difference in behavior of dative/genitive objects of ditransitives and monadic transitives in the two periods of Greek which correlates with a range of systematic alternations in the case realization of Modern Greek IO arguments depending on the presence and category (DP vs. PP) of lower theme arguments, we argue that there are two distinct modes of dative and genitive objective case assignment: they are either prepositional or dependent (structural) cases, as also proposed by Baker and Vinokurova ( 2010 ), and Baker ( 2015 ) on the basis of cross-linguistic evidence. If we adopt this proposal a number of important implications follow both for the syntax of Modern Greek genitive indirect objects and for the understanding of the change from Classical to Standard Modern Greek which must be seen as a development from a grammatical system where dative and genitive were lexical/inherent/prepositional cases to a system where genitive is a dependent case assigned to DPs in the sense of Marantz ( 1991 ). Interestingly, the development from Classical Greek (CG) to Modern Greek (MG) affected the availability of dative/genitive-nominative alternations in passivization, in the opposite direction of what might be expected, i.e. such alternations were possible in CG and are no longer possible in MG. Our paper addresses this puzzle and argues that the availability of such alternations is not always a diagnostic tool for detecting whether an indirect object DP bears lexically specified or structural/dependent Case, contra standard practice in the literature.

中文翻译:

与格和属格分配的两种模式:来自希腊语两个阶段的证据

在本文中,我们比较了古典希腊语和现代希腊语中与格和属格宾语的属性。基于希腊语两个时期中双及物词和一元及物词的与格/属格宾语的行为差异,这与现代希腊语 IO 论证的案例实现中的一系列系统变化相关,这取决于存在和类别(DP 与 PP ) 较低的主题论证,我们认为有两种不同的与格和属格客观格分配模式:它们是介词或从属(结构)格,正如 Baker 和 Vinokurova(2010 年)以及 Baker(2015 年)提出的那样跨语言证据的基础。如果我们采用这个提议,那么对于现代希腊语所有格间接宾语的句法和理解从古典希腊语到标准现代希腊语的变化,这必须被视为从与格和所有格被视为语法系统的发展而来的许多重要含义。在 Marantz (1991) 的意义上,所有格是分配给 DP 的从属格的系统的词汇/固有/介词格。有趣的是,从古典希腊语 (CG) 到现代希腊语 (MG) 的发展影响了钝化中与格/属格-主格交替的可用性,与预期相反,即这种交替在 CG 中是可能的,并且不再存在在MG中可能。
更新日期:2020-03-16
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