This paper explores morphologically-conditioned alternations in Mbat (Jarawan Bantu) verb stems. Some inflectional affixation in Mbat results in resyllabification. The singleton coda of a CGVC verb stem will become the onset of a new syllable following the addition of a vowel-initial suffix (e.g., Perfective - am ). What is surprising is that this, in turn, triggers onset simplification in the stem itself (i.e., CV.C-am). Adding further complexity to Mbat is that these alternations are limited to verb stems containing mid vowels. Stems with low vowels retain their pre-vocalic glide upon suffixation (i.e., CGV.C-am). These outcomes have implications for at least two contemporary lines of inquiry in phonological theory: i) the prosodification and behavior of pre-vocalic glides, and ii) the formal connection between so-called M 2 syllable margin positions (i.e., the second member of a complex onset and the sole member of a singleton coda). I illustrate that Mbat has something to contribute to current perspectives on both these fronts. In addition to the theoretical and typological contributions entailed herein, this paper is also significant in that it is the first formal linguistic study of a Jarawan Bantu language, a cluster of languages spoken primarily in eastern Nigeria.

中文翻译：

---

关于 Mbat（Jarawan Bantu）中发病簇和尾声之间的联系

本文探讨了 Mbat（Jarawan Bantu）动词词干中的形态条件交替。Mbat 中的某些屈折词缀会导致重新音节化。CGVC 动词词干的单音结尾将在添加元音开头后缀（例如，Perfective - am）后成为新音节的开头。令人惊讶的是，这反过来又触发了词干本身的起始简化（即 CV.C-am）。给 Mbat 增加进一步复杂性的是，这些交替仅限于包含中元音的动词词干。带有低元音的词干在后缀时保留其前声部滑音（即 CGV.C-am）。这些结果至少对音韵学理论中的两个当代研究路线有影响：i) 前声部滑音的韵律和行为，和 ii) 所谓的 M 2 音节边距位置之间的正式联系（即，复合词首的第二个成员和单音节尾的唯一成员）。我说明 Mbat 对这两个方面的当前观点有所贡献。除了本文所涉及的理论和类型学贡献外，本文还具有重要意义，因为它是对 Jarawan Bantu 语言（主要在尼日利亚东部使用的一组语言）进行的第一次正式语言研究。