Baker (2015) suggests that the dependent theory of case (Marantz 1991, a.o.) is a formulation of the intuition that morphological case functions to differentiate nominals. This paper presents novel evidence for this idea from the agreement system of Yimas. Departing from previous characterizations of the language, this paper argues that the Yimas agreement morphemes are actually doubled pronominal clitics, and that they exhibit paradigmatic alternations that parallel the distributions of dependent case on nominals crosslinguistically. Crucially, clitic doubling in Yimas is optional; once this is taken into account, it is revealed that the morphological form of a given clitic co-varies with the total number of clitics present, even when the sentence-level syntax is held constant: how a clitic is realized is thus dependent on its clitic environment. This context-dependence is analyzed as a dissimilation process, which applies to distinguish between multiple morphosyntactically indistinguishable clitics; this arises whenever multiple DPs are doubled. Thus, both clitic dissimilation in Yimas and dependent case on nominals can be viewed as alternations that are controlled by morphosyntactic context, albeit in different structural domains.

中文翻译：

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依马斯的依附案例与附着异化

Baker (2015) 认为格的相关理论 (Marantz 1991, ao) 是形态格用于区分名词的直觉的表述。本文从 Yimas 的协议系统中为这一想法提供了新的证据。与之前对语言的描述不同，本文认为 Yimas 一致语素实际上是双重代词 clitics，并且它们表现出范式交替，与跨语言上的依赖大小写在名词上的分布平行。至关重要的是，Yimas 的阴蒂加倍是可选的；一旦考虑到这一点，就会发现给定 clitic 的形态形式随存在的 clitic 总数而变化，即使句子级别的句法保持不变：因此，clitic 的实现方式取决于它的阴蒂环境。这种上下文依赖被分析为一个异化过程，它适用于区分多个形态句法上无法区分的附加词；每当多个 DP 加倍时就会出现这种情况。因此，Yimas 中的 clitic 异化和对名词的依赖情况都可以被视为由形态句法上下文控制的交替，尽管在不同的结构域中。