Indefinite and possessive pronouns in German such as ein-es ‘one’ and mein-er ‘mine’ bear strong inflectional endings unlike their determiner counterparts. Following Saab and Lipták (Stud Linguist 70(1):66–108, 2016), I argue that this difference in inflection is due to NP ellipsis, which creates a ‘stranded’ affix that subsequently docks onto the determiner. Assuming that adjectives are reattached by Local Dislocation allows us to account for the descriptive observation that the determiner and pronominal paradigms differ only in the same three exceptional cases where determiners do not bear overt inflection. Furthermore, I discuss how this approach can extend to similar data from Afrikaans, Dutch and English, as well as to split topicalization constructions in German. This analysis provides further support for Saab and Lipták’s proposal that inflection emerges as a direct result of ellipsis, rather than constituting part of the licensing conditions on ellipsis.

德语中的不定代词和所有格代词，例如ein-es “一个”和mein-er “我的”，与它们的限定词对应物不同，具有强烈的屈折结尾。遵循 Saab 和 Lipták (Stud Linguist 70(1):66–108, 2016) 的观点，我认为这种屈折变化的差异是由于 NP 省略造成的，它创建了一个“搁浅”词缀，随后与限定词对接。假设形容词通过局部错位重新连接，使我们能够解释描述性观察，即限定词和代词范式仅在限定词不带有明显变形的相同三个例外情况下有所不同。此外，我还讨论了这种方法如何扩展到南非荷兰语、荷兰语和英语的类似数据，以及如何拆分德语的主题化结构。这一分析为 Saab 和 Lipták 的提议提供了进一步的支持，即变形是省略的直接结果，而不是构成省略的许可条件的一部分。