This paper presents a phonological analysis of a glottalization phenomenon in dialects of Danish known as ‘short-vowel stød’. It is argued that both short-vowel stød and common Danish stød involve the attachment of a laryngeal feature to a prosodic node—specifically the mora. In the case of short-vowel stød that mora lacks segmental content, as it is projected top-down due to local prosodic requirements, not bottom-up by segmental material. I show that this device provides an account of the distribution of short-vowel stød as arising from the interplay of constraints on metrical structure (both lexically stored and computed by the grammar) and the requirement for morae to be featurally licensed. The analysis provides further evidence for the analysis of ‘tonal accents’ and related phenomena in terms of metrical structure rather than lexical tone or laryngeal features, and contributes to our understanding of the relationship between segmental and suprasegmental phonology in Germanic languages.

中文翻译：

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韵律结构和超音段特征

本文对丹麦方言中称为“短元音 stød”的声门化现象进行了语音分析。有人认为，短元音 stød 和普通丹麦语 stød 都涉及将喉部特征附加到韵律节点——特别是韵律节。在短元音 stød 的情况下，mora 缺乏分段内容，因为它是根据本地韵律要求自上而下投影的，而不是由分段材料自下而上的。我展示了这个设备提供了短元音 stød 分布的解释，这是由于韵律结构（词汇存储和语法计算）的约束和对 morae 的特征许可的要求的相互作用而产生的。