The subject-predicate agreement system in Icelandic appears to show sensitivity to the morphological marking of case, instead of the syntactic position of the argument to be agreed with. Furthermore, agreement with the Nominative object appears to be optional and may be disrupted by an intervening Dative argument. This article contributes to the existing discussion by proposing a new empirical generalization about the nature of Long-Distance Agreement (lda), i.e., agreement which occurs in a bi-clausal environment, and its interaction with Dative interventions. Based on the new data from an Icelandic variety called Icelandic B, I argue that lda takes place only if the intervening Dative argument undergoes independently motivated A-movement to the edge of vP. The core idea is that the locus of agreement with the Nominative object is v—its Case licensor: lda arises only if v can probe the Nominative argument in the absence of the Dative argument. The proposed analysis thus accounts for the Icelandic patterns in a strictly derivational and locality-based manner, without any recourse to post-syntactic operations, optionality in agreement or significant modifications in the theory of $$\phi $$ϕ-feature Agree, thus restoring the Icelandic agreement system to normalcy.

中文翻译：

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冰岛长途协议：当地恢复

冰岛语的主谓一致系统似乎对格的形态标记表现出敏感性，而不是要一致的论点的句法位置。此外，与主格宾语的一致似乎是可选的，并且可能会被介入的与格论证打断。本文通过提出关于长距离协议 (lda) 性质的新经验概括，即发生在双条款环境中的协议及其与与格干预的相互作用，对现有讨论做出了贡献。根据来自冰岛语 B 的冰岛变体的新数据，我认为只有当介入的与格论证经历独立动机的 A 运动到 vP 的边缘时，才会发生 lda。核心思想是与主格对象一致的位置是 v——它的格许可人：只有当 v 可以在没有与格参数的情况下探测主格参数时，才会出现 lda。因此，所提出的分析以严格推导和基于位置的方式解释了冰岛语模式，无需求助于后句法操作、协议中的可选性或 $$\phi $$ϕ-feature 理论中的重大修改 同意，因此使冰岛协议体系恢复正常。