The goal of this article is to explore the structure of the clausal “left periphery” with respect to a phenomenon that has so far only rarely been identified as a root‐clause phenomenon: emphatic topicalization (ET). It is a form of movement by which a phrase (not necessarily a wh‐phrase) targets the specifier of a complementizer. This movement prevents the CP complement from remaining in its embedded position. For convergence, the entire CP in which ET has applied must move to the left periphery of the clause that immediately dominates it. It is argued that this latter move is necessary because ET induces a feature that is only interpretable in the domain of illocutionary force, illocutionary force being a property of the utterance (i.e., typically of the root clause). The data come from the Bavarian dialect of German (Germanic) and from Bangla (Indo‐Aryan). In spite of the differences between these languages, the similarity of the constraints that are revealed by this study cannot be accidental. For Bangla, a typical wh‐in‐situ language, it is shown that the syntax of ET scope is to a large extent parallel to the syntax of wh‐scope. Thus, the syntax of wh‐scope can be argued to follow from general properties of the parametric choices made in Bangla (and perhaps in closely related languages).

中文翻译：

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突出的主题化和左边缘的结构：来自德国和孟加拉的证据

本文的目的是针对迄今为止很少被确定为根本子句现象的现象：强调主题化（ET），探讨子句“左边缘”的结构。它是一种运动形式，短语（不一定是白话短语）针对补语的说明符。这种运动可防止CP补片保持在其嵌入位置。为了收敛，应用了ET的整个CP必须移到立即支配它的子句的左边缘。有人认为，后一种举动是必要的，因为ET所产生的特征只能在言外之力的范畴内解释，言外之力是话语的属性（即通常是词根从句的属性）。数据来自德语（德语）的巴伐利亚方言和孟加拉语（印度－雅利安语）。尽管这些语言之间存在差异，但这项研究揭示的约束的相似性并非偶然。对于孟加拉，一个典型的WH在现场语言中，表明ET范围的语法在很大程度上与wh- scope的语法相似。因此，wh- scope的语法可以说服从孟加拉语（也许是紧密相关的语言）中选择的参数的一般属性。