This article discusses the morphosyntax of accusative‐subject constructions in Icelandic, from the point of view of the “dependent case” analysis of accusative. The primary focus is on deriving the Accusative‐Subject Generalization (ASG), the generalization that accusative subjects are never related thematically to a morphologically intransitive verb. After it is demonstrated that the ASG holds, it is proposed that the ASG follows from the claim that there is no such thing as inherently case‐marked accusatives in Icelandic. The accusative‐subject constructions under scrutiny in fact involve a silent external argument that distributes like a clitic syntactically and is interpreted like a weather pronoun semantically. The account is explanatory insofar as it involves one stipulation—the presence of a silent clitic—from which the ASG and numerous other syntactic, semantic, and morphological properties of accusative‐subject constructions follow. The explanatory value of the account hinges on a grammatical architecture in which morphological idiosyncrasy and semantic idiosyncrasy are computed in distinct components of the grammar, and case marking—even structural case marking—is divorced from DP licensing.

中文翻译：

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宾语-宾语概括

本文从对宾格的“从属案例”分析的角度讨论了冰岛语中宾格构造的句法。主要重点是推导“宾语-宾语概括”（ASG），即宾格从不从主题上与形态不及物动词相关联的概括。在证明ASG成立后，建议ASG遵循这样的主张，即冰岛语中不存在带有固有案例标记的宾语。实际上，受到审查的宾语-主体结构包含一个沉默的外部论证，它在句法上像气候一样分布，在语义上像天气代词一样被解释。该说明在涉及一项规定的情况下是解释性的，即存在一个静默的气候，ASG以及宾语-宾语结构的许多其他句法，语义和形态特性都遵循该规定。帐户的解释价值取决于一种语法结构，其中语法的不同部分计算了形态特质和语义特质，并且案例标记（甚至是结构案例标记）与DP许可分离。