This paper addresses typological differences in subject–verb agreement and provides evidence that transitive subject agreement need not always involve a high functional head, namely T⁰, but may instead be the result of a local relation between the subject and a low functional head, v⁰. In Mayan languages, grammatical relations are head‐marked on the predicate through two series of morphemes, known as “Set A” (ergative/possessive) and “Set B” (absolutive). I argue that Set A morphemes reflect a local relationship of agreement between v⁰ and the transitive subject in its low base position and, in an analogous structural configuration in the nominal domain, between a possessive n⁰ head and the possessor. Crucially, I show that no higher functional projection is involved. This is important in light of proposals that ergative agreement systems are epiphenomenal, resulting from standard nominative agreement from T⁰ which is blocked from agreeing with morphologically case‐marked ergative subjects (Woolford 2010). In this paper, I examine the morphologically ergative Mayan language Ch'ol to show that true ergative agreement is possible even in the absence of morphological case. This paper has implications for the typology of ergative case and agreement systems and contributes to our understanding of the nature of agreement and clitic doubling.

中文翻译：

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Little'v0协议和Ch'ol中的临时形态

本文探讨了主语-动词一致性的类型学差异，并提供了证据，即及物主语协议不一定总是涉及较高的功能头，即T ⁰，而可能是由于宾语与较低的功能头v之间局部关系的结果⁰。在玛雅语言中，语法关系通过两个系列的词素在谓词上标上，这两个词素称为“集合A”（表示格/宾语）和“集合B”（表示绝对格）。我认为Set A语素反映了v ⁰和传递主体在其低基位上以及在标称域中的类似结构配置中在所有格n ⁰之间的一致的局部关系。头和拥有者。至关重要的是，我表明不涉及更高的功能投影。鉴于提议的议事协议系统是表观的，这很重要，这是由于来自T ^0的标准主命协议而产生的，该协议被禁止与形态学上有案例意义的议事主体达成一致（Woolford 2010）。在本文中，我检查了玛格语中的形态学上占优的语言Ch'ol，以表明即使在没有形态学案例的情况下，也可以实现真正的占优协议。本文对合议性案例和协议系统的类型具有启示意义，并有助于我们对协议和气候加倍的本质的理解。