It has been argued that extraposition from DP is derived differently according to whether a complement or an adjunct is extraposed, with complement extraposition being derived by movement and adjunct extraposition being derived via covert Quantifier Raising (QR) of the host DP plus Late Merge of the adjunct (Fox & Nissenbaum 1999). We argue that adjunct extraposition is itself derivationally ambiguous and may be derived either by movement of the adjunct or by base generation of the adjunct in extraposed position. Accordingly, we argue for a relaxation of the strictly compositional view that nominal modification is always mediated by syntactic sisterhood. We argue that whereas base‐generated extraposition is possible with quantificational host DPs, adjunct extraposition from definites must be derived by movement. This accounts for a number of asymmetries between extraposition from definites and from other types of DP, concerning reconstruction for condition C, scope reconstruction, and information‐structural restrictions on extraposition.

中文翻译：

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辅助性介词：基础产生还是运动？

有人争辩说，DP的异位是根据补码还是辅助的异位而得出的，补体的异位是通过运动获得的，而辅助的异位则是通过宿主DP的隐式量词提升（QR）加上DNP的后期合并来得出的。兼职（Fox＆Nissenbaum 1999）。我们认为，附属物外在本身是派生的模棱两可，并且可能是由附属物的运动或处于附加位置的附属物的基数生成的。因此，我们主张放松严格的构成观点，即名义修饰总是由句法姐妹关系来调节。我们认为，尽管使用定量宿主DP可以进行碱基生成的外加，但必须通过运动来导出定额的附加外加。