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When socio-political pressure is more powerful than the boss: workplace language policies by Kurds that restrict Kurdish
Language Policy ( IF 2.355 ) Pub Date : 2018-12-31 , DOI: 10.1007/s10993-018-9505-3
Anne Schluter

As interpretations of results from small-scale research sites are incomplete without consideration of the social structures that frame them (Block, in: Gardner, Martin-Jones (eds) Multilingualism, discourse and ethnography, Routledge, New York, 2012), the current study uses the theoretical lens of agency to examine the language policies of four of Istanbul’s Kurdish-owned eating establishments with respect to socio-political structures. Set in a context in which Turkish nationalist ideologies trickle down to long-standing and pervasive stigma toward Kurdish at local levels (Coşkun et al. in Scar of tongue: consequences of the ban of the use of mother tongue in education and experiences of Kurdish students in Turkey, DISA, Diyarbakır, 2011; Saraçoğlu in Kurds of modern Turkey: migration, neoliberalism, and exclusion in Turkish society, Tauris Academic Studies, New York, 2011; Polat in Crit Inq Lang Stud 8:261–288, 2011; Schluter and Sansarkan in Içduygu, Göker (eds), Rethinking migration and integration: bottom-up responses to neoliberal global challenges, The Isis Press, Istanbul, 2014), Kurdish workplaces represent rich sites for investigating the relative influence of differently scaled structures on individual free will. Based on ethnographic data collected through observations and interviews, the results, which align with Ortner’s (Anthropology and social theory: culture, power, and the acting subject, Duke University Press, Durham, 2006) and Archer’s (Being human: the problem of agency, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2000, Making our way through the world: human reflexivity and social mobility, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2007) conceptualizations of agency, indicate that while structures severely constrain managers’ ability to determine policy, a small number of opportunities also exist to resist these structures. In contrast to much of the literature that emphasizes the dominance of global scales in the current neoliberal era (Cf. Heller in J Socioling 7(4):473–492, 2003; Blommaert in The sociolinguistics of globalization, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2010; Flubacher and Del Percio in Language, education and neoliberalism: critical studies in sociolinguistics, Multilingual Matters, Bristol, 2017; Lorente in Scripts of servitude: language, labor, migration, and transnational domestic work, Multilingual Matters, Bristol, 2017; Block in Political economy in sociolinguistics: neoliberalism, inequality and social class, Bloomsbury, London, 2018), nationally scaled structures feature most prominently. A center-periphery distinction emerges with respect to the magnitude of the nation’s influence over policy: peripherality, in agreement with Kelly-Holmes (in: Pietikäinen, Kelly-Holmes (eds) Multilingualism and the periphery, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2013) and Hiss (Lang Soc 46:697–718, 2017), comes with diminished pressure to adhere to the norms of the center. These findings both underline the considerable power of Turkish national structures over individuals in this setting while indicating a small space for alternative marketplaces (Woolard in Am Ethnol 12:738–748, 1985).

中文翻译:

当社会政治压力比老板更强大时:库尔德人限制库尔德人的工作场所语言政策

如果不考虑构成它们的社会结构,对小规模研究站点结果的解释是不完整的(Block, in: Gardner, Martin-Jones (eds) Multilingualism, discourse and ethnography, Routledge, New York, 2012),当前研究使用代理的理论视角来检查伊斯坦布尔四家库尔德人拥有的饮食场所在社会政治结构方面的语言政策。在土耳其民族主义意识形态逐渐渗透到地方层面对库尔德人长期和普遍的污名化的背景下(Coşkun 等人在语言疤痕:禁止在库尔德学生的教育和经历中使用母语的后果)在土耳其,DISA,迪亚巴克尔,2011 年;现代土耳其库尔德人的 Saraçoglu:土耳其社会中的移民、新自由主义和排斥,金牛座学术研究,纽约,2011 年;Polat in Crit Inq Lang Stud 8:261–288, 2011; Schluter 和 Sansarkan in Içduygu, Göker (eds),重新思考移民和融合:对新自由主义全球挑战的自下而上的反应,伊希斯出版社,伊斯坦布尔,2014 年),库尔德工作场所代表了调查不同规模结构对个人的相对影响的丰富场所自由意志。基于通过观察和采访收集的人种学数据,结果与 Ortner 的(人类学和社会理论:文化、权力和表演主题,杜克大学出版社,达勒姆,2006 年)和阿彻的(作为人类:代理问题, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2000, Making our way through the world: human reflexivity and socialmobility, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2007)代理的概念化表明,虽然结构严重限制了管理者决定政策的能力,但也存在少量机会来抵制这些结构。与许多强调当前新自由主义时代全球尺度主导地位的文献相反(参见 J Socioling 7(4):473–492, 2003 中的 Heller;全球化的社会语言学中的 Blommaert,剑桥大学出版社,剑桥, 2010 年;Flubacher 和 Del Percio 在语言、教育和新自由主义:社会语言学的批判性研究,多语言问题,布里斯托尔,2017 年;劳伦特在奴役脚本:语言、劳工、移民和跨国家务工作,多语言问题,布里斯托尔,2017 年;Block社会语言学中的政治经济学:新自由主义、不平等和社会阶级,布卢姆斯伯里,伦敦,2018 年),全国规模的结构最突出。在国家对政策的影响程度方面出现了中心与边缘的区别:边缘性,与 Kelly-Holmes 一致(在:Pietikäinen, Kelly-Holmes (eds) Multilingualism and theperipheral,牛津大学出版社,牛津,2013 年)和希斯 (Lang Soc 46:697–718, 2017),伴随着遵守中心规范的压力减小。这些发现都强调了土耳其国家结构在这种情况下对个人的巨大权力,同时表明替代市场的空间很小(Woolard in Am Ethnol 12:738-748, 1985)。Kelly-Holmes (eds) Multilingualism and theperipheral,牛津大学出版社,牛津,2013 年)和 Hiss(Lang Soc 46:697-718,2017 年),随着遵守中心规范的压力减小。这些发现都强调了土耳其国家结构在这种情况下对个人的巨大权力,同时表明替代市场的空间很小(Woolard in Am Ethnol 12:738-748, 1985)。Kelly-Holmes (eds) Multilingualism and theperipheral, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2013) and Hiss (Lang Soc 46:697–718, 2017),随着遵守中心规范的压力减小。这些发现都强调了土耳其国家结构在这种情况下对个人的巨大权力,同时表明替代市场的空间很小(Woolard in Am Ethnol 12:738-748, 1985)。
更新日期:2018-12-31
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