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The Scalar Inferences of Strong Scalar Terms under Negative Quantifiers and Constraints on the Theory of Alternatives
Journal of Semantics ( IF 2.0 ) Pub Date : 2017-12-11 , DOI: 10.1093/jos/ffx016
Nicole Gotzner 1 , Jacopo Romoli 2
Affiliation  

Chemla & Spector (2011) have found experimental evidence that a universal sen- tence embedding a weak scalar term like Every student read some of the books has the strong inference that no student read all of the books, in addition to the weak one that not every student did (see also Clifton Jr & Dube 2010, Potts et al. 2015, Gotzner & Benz 2015). While it is controversial how this strong inference should be derived, there is consensus in the literature that this inference is an inference of the sentence above. On the other hand, the corresponding case of a negative quantifier embedding a strong scalar term like No student read all of the books with its corresponding potential strong inference that every student read some of the books, in addition to the weak one that some student read some of the books, is more controversial (Chemla 2009a,b,c, Romoli 2012, 2014, Trinh & Haida 2015). And, to our knowledge, there is no convincing experimental evidence for the existence of this strong inference. In this paper, we report on two experiments, building on Chemla & Spector 2011 and Chemla 2009c, systematically comparing sentences like the above with every and no. In our results, we find evidence for the strong inferences of both every and no. We discuss how standard theories of alternatives (e.g. Sauerland 2004b) can account for our data but also how they incur in an over- and under-generation problems which have been pointed out in connection with the combination of alternatives for sentences with multiple scalar terms (Fox 2007, Magri 2010, Chemla 2010, Romoli 2012). We discuss the two more constrained theories of alternatives by Fox 2007 and Romoli 2012 and we show that only the latter, combined with an independent account of the inferences of disjunction under universal modals (Crnic et al. 2015, Bar-Lev & Fox 2016), can account for our data without incurring in the above-mentioned problems.

中文翻译:

负量词和约束条件下强标量项的标量推论

Chemla&Spector(2011)发现实验证据表明,嵌入弱标量项的普遍感觉像每个学生都读过一些书,有一个很强的推论,即没有学生读完所有书,除了弱学生不读所有书。每个学生都这样做(另请参见Clifton Jr&Dube 2010,Potts等人2015,Gotzner&Benz 2015)。尽管如何得出这种强推论是有争议的,但在文献中已经达成共识,即该推论是上述句子的推论。另一方面,负量词的相应情况嵌入了一个强标量项,例如“没有学生阅读所有书籍”,其潜在的强推论是每个学生都阅读了一些书籍,以及一些学生阅读的较弱的书籍。一些书,更具争议性(Chemla 2009a,b,c,Romoli 2012,2014,Trinh&Haida 2015)。而且,据我们所知,尚无令人信服的实验证据证明这种强推论的存在。在本文中,我们报告了基于Chemla&Spector 2011和Chemla 2009c的两个实验,系统地比较了上述句子的每一个与否。在我们的结果中,我们发现了对每一个和没有的强推论的证据。我们讨论了替代的标准理论(例如Sauerland 2004b)如何解释我们的数据,还讨论了它们如何导致代数过高和生成不足的问题,这些问题已被指出与具有多个标量项的句子的替代组合结合在一起( Fox 2007,Magri 2010,Chemla 2010,Romali 2012)。
更新日期:2017-12-11
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