The word order in a phrase such asall John's friends, in which a universal quantifier is immediately followed by a genitive, is perfectly grammatical in Dutch but unacceptable in German. This article shows that there are three explanations for this difference between the two closely related languages. First, in German, the Saxon Genitive is a true case assigned in Spec, NP. In contrast, in Dutch and English, genitive case cannot be assigned in Spec, NP without a preposition. The Saxon Genitive in these languages is comparable to a possessive adjective that originates as the head of PossP and moves to D. Second, in a definite DP in a Germanic language, either D or Spec, DP must be occupied; if one of these positions is overtly occupied, and if genitive case has already been assigned, the movement of a genitive phrase to D or Spec, DP is unmotivated and causes ungrammaticality. Third, there is evidence that the-einflection on the universal quantifieralle‘all’ in German and Dutch has the characteristics of a determiner.*

中文翻译：

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为什么约翰的所有朋友都是荷兰人，而不是德国人：关于西日耳曼语中全称量词屈折变化的类限定词特征

短语中的词序，例如约翰的所有朋友，其中一个全称量词紧跟一个属格，在荷兰语中是完全符合语法的，但在德语中是不可接受的。本文表明，对于这两种密切相关的语言之间的这种差异，有三种解释。首先，在德语中，撒克逊属格是在 Spec, NP 中指定的一个真实情况。相反，在荷兰语和英语中，没有介词的 Spec, NP 中不能分配属格。这些语言中的撒克逊属格类似于一个所有格形容词，该形容词起源于 PossP 的头部并移动到 D。其次，在日耳曼语的确定 DP 中，无论是 D 还是 Spec，DP 必须被占用；如果这些位置之一被公然占据，并且如果已分配属格，则属格短语向 D 或 Spec, DP 的移动是没有动机的，并导致不合语法。第三，-e全称量词的变化等位德语和荷兰语中的“all”具有限定词的特征。*