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Another way to avoid islands
Journal of East Asian Linguistics ( IF 0.5 ) Pub Date : 2018-04-09 , DOI: 10.1007/s10831-018-9168-2
Duk-Ho An

The notion of island repair in ellipsis constructions has received much attention. Existing analyses typically suggest that in island repair contexts, an element undergoes movement, inducing an island violation, and then the violation is removed by deleting the portion of the structure that contains the island. It has been observed that island violations do not arise in the Fragment Answer construction in Korean, whose derivation has also been argued to involve movement and deletion. In other words, the construction also manifests the island repair phenomenon. In this paper, I explore an alternative analysis of the absence of island effects in Fragment Answers in Korean without appealing to the notion of island repair. Assuming the movement and deletion analysis, I argue that the absence of island effects in the construction in question is a consequence of the interaction between two independently motivated processes, i.e., Pied-Piping in the sense of Cable (Linguist Inq 41:563–594, 2010a, The grammar of Q: Q-particles, wh-movement, and pied-piping, Oxford University Press, New York, 2010b) and Extra Deletion in the sense of An (J East Asian Linguist 25:313–350, 2016a). The gist of the proposal is that in the relevant contexts, instead of allowing illegitimate extraction from an island, the whole island itself undergoes movement and is subsequently reduced by deletion, leaving the focused phrase on the surface, which induces the façade of island repair. I also show that the current analysis straightforwardly accounts for a parallelism among constructions that are quite different in nature, i.e., Fragment Answers, gapless Right Dislocation, and Right Node Raising, which cannot be captured by existing approaches to the respective constructions. Thus, the parallelism provides strong evidence in support of the alternative analysis of island repair proposed in this paper.

中文翻译:

避开岛屿的另一种方法

省略号构造中的岛修复概念已引起广泛关注。现有分析通常表明,在岛屿修复的情况下,某个元素会发生移动,从而引发岛屿冲突,然后通过删除包含岛屿的结构部分来消除冲突。据观察,在朝鲜语的“片段答案”结构中并没有出现违反岛屿的情况,据称该语言的派生涉及移动和删除。换句话说,该建筑还表现出岛屿修复现象。在本文中,我探索了另一种分析方法,该方法分析了韩语“片段答案”中不存在岛效应的情况,而没有诉诸于岛修复的概念。假设移动和删除分析,我认为所讨论的结构中没有岛效应是两个独立动机过程之间相互作用的结果,即电缆意义上的“ Pi-Piping”(语言学家Inq 41:563–594,2010a,《 Q语法》 :Q粒子,wh移动和管道铺设,牛津大学出版社,纽约,2010b)和“ An”意义上的“额外删除”(J East Asian Linguist 25:313–350,2016a)。该建议的要点是,在相关情况下,整个岛本身要进行移动并随后通过删除而减少,而不是允许从一个岛上非法提取,从而使集中的短语保留在表面上,从而引起对岛的修复。我还表明,当前的分析直接解释了本质上完全不同的构造之间的并行性,即 碎片答案,无间隙的右错位和右结点提升,这些都是现有方法无法捕获的。因此,并行性提供了有力的证据来支持本文提出的孤岛修复的替代分析。
更新日期:2018-04-09
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