This paper investigates the peculiar behaviors of resultative compound verbs in Dongying Mandarin, a previously unstudied variety of Mandarin Chinese. Data from multiple syntactic contexts (e.g. completive, negation, future/irrealis, potential) show that resultative complements in this variety fall in two contrasting categories: atelic and telic. Atelic resultatives have full lexical tones and require a grammaticalized telic marker (liu) in various [+telic] contexts, whereas telic resultatives assume the neutral tone and prohibit liu in the same contexts. The theoretical discussion begins with an evaluation of two neo-constructionist approaches, featuring event decomposition and Inner Aspect, and ends with a middle-way model combining and adapting the two. The main proposal is that in Dongying Mandarin, telicity is not encoded in the resultative complement itself, but in a Low Inner Aspect position between the action and the result verbs, which turns the state denoted by the resultative complement into a telos of the complex event. I derive the surface compound verb via the Defective Goal theory (Roberts in Agreement and head movement: clitics, incorporation, and defective goals. MIT Press, Cambridge, MA, 2010) and analyze the tonal variation as Root allomorphy.

中文翻译：

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从结果中断绝一切

本文研究了结果词复合动词在“东营普通话”中的特殊行为，“东营普通话”以前未被研究过。来自多种句法语境（例如，完全性，否定性，未来/无意识，潜能）的数据表明，这种多样性的结果补语分为两个相对的类别：基因组和基因组。Atelic谓词具有完整的词汇声调，并且在各种[+ telic ]上下文中都需要语法化的telic标记（liu），而telic谓词则采用中性语调并禁止liu在相同的情况下。理论讨论从对两种新建构主义方法的评估开始，其中包括事件分解和内在方面，最后以结合和适应这两种方法的中间模型结束。主要建议是，在东营普通话中，高音不是编码在结果补语本身中，而是在动作和结果动词之间的低内在位置，这将结果补语所表示的状态变成复杂事件的目的语。 。我通过有缺陷的目标理论（罗伯茨在《达成共识和头部运动：目标，合并和有缺陷的目标》，麻省理工学院出版社，马萨诸塞州麻省理工学院，2010年）中推导了表面复合动词，并分析了根异形的音调变化。