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A corpus study of child heritage speakers’ Spanish gender agreement
International Journal of Bilingualism ( IF 1.3 ) Pub Date : 2020-06-25 , DOI: 10.1177/1367006920935510
Thomas Goebel-Mahrle 1 , Naomi L. Shin 2
Affiliation  

Objectives: This study investigates (a) whether child heritage speakers produce more gender mismatches in Spanish (un piedra “a-masc. stone-fem.”) than monolingual children, (b) whether older child heritage speakers mismatch more than younger ones, and (c) linguistic contexts in which mismatches occur. Methodology: 3893 agreement forms were extracted from corpora of Spanish spoken by six monolingual children, ages 5–6 years, and three groups of US child heritage speakers: ten 5–6-year-olds, fifteen 7–8-year-olds, and twenty-one 9–11-year-olds. Data and analysis: Logistic regressions measured the impact of agreement form type, noun gender, noncanonical noun ending, and noun frequency on gender matching. One regression included 5–6-year-olds only (monolingual and heritage); the second included child heritage speakers only (5–11-year-olds). Findings: There were no significant differences between monolingual and heritage 5–6-year-olds; for these children, adjectives, direct object clitics, noncanonical nouns, and feminine nouns increased the likelihood of mismatches. Among the 5–11-year-old heritage speakers, direct object clitics referring to feminine nouns and noncanonical nouns increased the likelihood of mismatches. The 9–11-year-olds produced more gender mismatches referring to feminine nouns than the younger child heritage speakers, especially with direct object clitics. Originality: This corpus study provides evidence for high rates of gender matching and clarifies the contexts that increase the likelihood that children will mismatch. Implications: Gender matching remains an intact part of child heritage speakers’ Spanish grammars. The distribution of mismatches found provides evidence of a strong article–noun association and a weaker noun–direct object clitic association. The oldest child heritage speakers’ use of masculine clitic lo to refer to feminine nouns may reflect an association between English “it” and Spanish lo. More generally, the finding that mismatches tend to involve masculine forms referring to feminine nouns supports the idea that masculine is the default, unmarked form in Spanish.

中文翻译:

对儿童遗产保护者的西班牙性别协议进行的语料库研究

目标:这项研究调查(a)与西班牙裔儿童相比,母语为英语的儿童是否会比单语儿童产生更多的性别不匹配(un piedra“ a-masc.fem-fem”。) (c)发生不匹配的语言环境。方法:从6名年龄在5至6岁的单语儿童和三组美国儿童遗产讲者中,从西班牙语的语料库中提取了3893个协议表格:十名5-6岁的儿童,十五名7-8岁的儿童,和21个9-11岁的孩子。数据和分析:Logistic回归测量了协议形式类型,名词性别,非规范名词结尾和名词频率对性别匹配的影响。一种回归仅包括5-6岁的儿童(单语和传统语言);第二位只包括儿童传统讲者(5-11岁)。发现:5至6岁的单语和传统语言之间没有显着差异。对于这些孩子,形容词,直接宾语,非规范名词和女性名词增加了不匹配的可能性。在5-11岁的传统母语使用者中,直接使用客体气候提及女性名词和非规范名词会增加不匹配的可能性。9到11岁的孩子比起年龄较小的儿童,说到女性名词的性别不匹配现象更多,特别是在直接对象气候的情况下。独创性:这项语料库研究提供了高性别匹配率的证据,并阐明了增加儿童错配可能性的背景。含义:性别匹配仍然是儿童文盲儿童西班牙语语法的完整组成部分。发现的不匹配分布提供了较强的冠词-名词关联和较弱的名词-直接宾语气候关联的证据。最早讲儿童遗产的讲者使用男性的“男性”来指代女性名词可能反映了英语“ it”和西班牙语中的“ lo”之间的联系。更普遍地,不匹配的趋势往往涉及涉及女性名词的男性形式,这支持了男性是西班牙语中默认的,未标记形式的想法。
更新日期:2020-06-25
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