ABSTRACT By disabling two traditional constraints on general-language one-verb sub-events, Goldberg shows that: (i) a verb can specify both manner and result or change of location; and (ii) the profiled event of one verb need not be causally related to the evoked background frame event. This study develops Goldberg's claims further to show that a single verb can meet (i) and (ii) at the same time. For this purpose, two polysemic terminological verbs and their arguments were analyzed as they occur in concordances extracted from a corpus of naturally running texts from the specialized knowledge domain of environmental science. The meanings of these verbs and of their arguments were formalized in the Environmental Event Frame as described by Faber et al. The basic senses of the verbs in ordinary language were compared with their extended terminological meanings to determine how meaning extension structures and constrains the event-based semantic frame evoked by each of the sub-senses of the verbs. Striking differences were found in the nature and composition of the semantic frames of the pairs of senses compared. This type of semantic frame asymmetry in polysemic verbs that satisfy criteria (i) and (ii) further enriches Goldberg’s theory of verb semantics and event-structure construal.

中文翻译：

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词义扩展意义分析揭示动词语义框架结构的意义

摘要 通过禁用对通用语言单动词子事件的两个传统约束，Goldberg 表明：(i) 动词可以指定方式和结果或位置的变化；(ii) 一个动词的轮廓事件不需要与诱发的背景框架事件有因果关系。这项研究进一步发展了戈德堡的主张，以表明单个动词可以同时满足 (i) 和 (ii)。为此，我们分析了两个多义术语动词及其论点，因为它们出现在从环境科学专业知识领域的自然运行文本语料库中提取的词条中。这些动词及其论点的含义在 Faber 等人所描述的环境事件框架中被形式化。将动词在日常语言中的基本意义与其扩展的术语意义进行比较，以确定意义扩展如何构建和约束由动词的每个子意义引起的基于事件的语义框架。在比较的感觉对的语义框架的性质和组成中发现了惊人的差异。满足标准（i）和（ii）的多义动词中的这种语义框架不对称类型进一步丰富了戈德堡的动词语义和事件结构解释理论。