Three decades of research have amply confirmed Pettigrew’s (1979) prescient observation that residential segregation constitutes the “structural linchpin” of racial stratification in the United States. Although the centrality of segregation as a stratifying force in American society remains, however, patterns of segregation have changed substantially since the 1970s. At that time, African Americans were highly segregated almost everywhere and socioeconomic attainments had no effect on the degree of segregation experienced by African Americans. Race was very much a master status and most whites subscribed to an ideology of segregation, either de jure or de facto. In the early 1960s, for example, absolute majorities of white Americans still supported segregation as a matter of principle, agreeing on surveys that schools, transportation, occupations, and neighborhoods should be racially segregated and that intermarriage should be prohibited (Schuman et al. 1997). White racial attitudes toward black Americans shifted during the Civil Rights Era, however, with important consequences for patterns of racial segregation. During the 1980s, principled support for segregation all but disappeared; but despite this retreat from segregationist ideology, whites nonetheless continued to harbor strong anti-black sentiments rooted in negative stereotypes about the low intelligence, lack of motivation, propensity toward criminality, and predatory sexuality of African Americans (Bobo et al. 2012). Even though whites had come to reject segregation in principle, they continued to feel uncomfortable in the presence of many African Americans in practice; and they grew progressively more uncomfortable as black numbers in the social setting rose (Charles 2003). With respect to neighborhoods, surveys have consistently shown that white avoidance increases rapidly as the percentage of potential black neighbors rises; that such avoidance is rooted in anti-black stereotypes; and that it persists even when objective characteristics of the neighborhood are experimentally controlled (see Emerson et al. 2001; Charles 2003; Krysan et al. 2009; Swaroop and Krysan 2011). African Americans seem to be tolerated as potential neighbors for whites mainly when they are small in number and are not perceived in stereotypical terms. Indeed, in American social cognition today, black professionals are perceived to be on a par with others in the middle class and generally accepted as mainstream “Americans” (Cuddy et al. 2007), in contrast to poor blacks, who continue to be seen in very negative terms and are largely blamed for their own poverty and problems (Bobo et al. 2012). In keeping with their growing acceptability, in 2000

中文翻译：

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居住隔离是种族分层的关键


三十年的研究充分证实了佩蒂格鲁（Pettigrew，1979）的先见之明，即居住隔离构成了美国种族分层的“结构性关键”。尽管种族隔离作为美国社会分层力量的核心地位仍然存在，但自 20 世纪 70 年代以来，种族隔离的模式已经发生了巨大变化。当时，非裔美国人几乎在所有地方都受到高度隔离，社会经济成就对非裔美国人经历的隔离程度没有影响。种族在很大程度上是一种主人地位，大多数白人都认同种族隔离的意识形态，无论是在法律上还是事实上。例如，在 20 世纪 60 年代初，绝大多数美国白人仍然支持种族隔离作为原则问题，他们同意调查认为学校、交通、职业和社区应实行种族隔离，并禁止异族通婚（Schuman 等，1997） ）。然而，在民权时代，白人对美国黑人的种族态度发生了变化，对种族隔离模式产生了重要影响。在 20 世纪 80 年代，对种族隔离的原则性支持几乎消失了。尽管白人从种族隔离主义意识形态中退却，但他们仍然怀有强烈的反黑人情绪，这种情绪植根于对非裔美国人智力低下、缺乏动力、犯罪倾向和掠夺性性行为的负面刻板印象（Bobo et al. 2012）。尽管白人原则上拒绝种族隔离，但实际上他们仍然对许多非裔美国人在场感到不舒服。随着社会环境中黑人数量的增加，他们变得越来越不舒服（Charles 2003）。 就社区而言，调查一致表明，随着潜在黑人邻居比例的上升，对白人的回避迅速增加；这种回避源于反黑人的刻板印象；即使通过实验控制邻里的客观特征，这种现象仍然存在（参见 Emerson et al. 2001；Charles 2003；Krysan et al. 2009；Swaroop and Krysan 2011）。非裔美国人似乎被容忍为白人的潜在邻居，主要是因为他们人数很少，而且不被人们以刻板印象的方式看待。事实上，在当今美国的社会认知中，黑人专业人士被认为与中产阶级中的其他人处于同等水平，并普遍被视为主流“美国人”（Cuddy et al. 2007），而贫穷的黑人则继续被视为主流“美国人”（Cuddy et al. 2007）。他们的贫困和问题主要归咎于他们自己（Bobo et al. 2012）。随着人们的接受度不断提高，2000 年