Mechanisms underlying childhood exposure to blue spaces and adult subjective well-being: An 18-country analysis

Highlights

• Examined the links between childhood exposure to blue spaces and adult well-being.

• Four alternative conceptual models were tested using data from 18 countries.

• Childhood exposure to blue spaces was associated with better adult well-being.

• The association was mediated by intrinsic motivations and recent nature visits.

• The pattern of associations was consistent in direction across countries.

Abstract

Contact with natural environments is associated with good health and well-being. Although childhood nature experiences may be important in the development of an individual's relationship with nature and subsequent well-being, previous studies have tended to focus on ‘nature’ in general, and the mechanisms by which childhood experiences influence well-being in adulthood remain insufficiently studied. Drawing on cross-sectional survey data from an 18-country sample (N = 15,743) the current work extended previous research by examining: a) blue spaces (coasts, rivers, lakes, etc.) in particular; b) associations between adults' recalled childhood exposure to blue spaces, frequency of recent visits to green and blues spaces, and adult subjective well-being; c) the role of childhood exposure to blue spaces on intrinsic motivations to spend time in nature; and d) the consistency of these relationships across different countries. Tests of a model where childhood exposure to blue spaces was linked to adult subjective well-being serially through intrinsic motivation and then recent blue and green space visits exhibited a good fit, a pattern largely consistent across all 18 countries. However, an alternative model where recent visits predicted intrinsic motivation also demonstrated good fit, indicating that these processes may be iterative. Building familiarity with and confidence in and around blue spaces in childhood may stimulate a joy of, and greater propensity to spend recreational time in, nature in adulthood, with positive consequences for adult subjective well-being.

Introduction

Despite growing body of evidence linking nature experiences to positive mental health outcomes (Frumkin et al., 2017; Hartig et al., 2011), including greater subjective well-being (i.e., how people think and feel about their own lives, White et al., 2017), people are becoming increasingly detached from the natural world (Orr, 2002; Pergams & Zaradic, 2008). For instance, in a representative study of over 16,000 people in England that do not visit natural environments regularly, 22% of respondents reported that they were ‘not interested’, felt that nature was ‘not for people like them’, or reported ‘no particular reason’ for not visiting nature (Boyd et al., 2018). Such lack of interest, feelings of alienation, and apathy may, in part, be due to competing demands of other daily activities and to the growth of other forms of entertainment, particularly electronic technology (Oswald et al., 2020; Pergams & Zaradic, 2006; Staempfli, 2009). Equally, less exposure to nature in childhood with each consecutive generation, the so-called ‘extinction of experience’ (Charles & Louv, 2009; Pyle, 1993; Soga & Gaston, 2016), may undermine familiarity, connection with, and appreciation of, the natural world (although see Novotny et al., 2021; Oh et al., 2020).

Supporting this proposition, less nature exposure during childhood has been associated with fewer recreational nature visits as an adult (Rosa et al., 2018; Taye et al., 2019; Pensini et al., 2016; Ward Thompson et al., 2008; Hosaka et al., 2018; although see also van Heezik et al., 2021). Given that adult nature visits independently predict better well-being (Capaldi et al., 2015; Cox et al., 2017; Shanahan et al., 2016; White et al., 2017, 2019, 2021; van den Berg et al., 2016), limited childhood nature exposure may come at a cost to mental health across the lifespan. Certainly, spending time in nature as a child has been linked to better subjective well-being and a lower risk of poor mental health during both childhood and adulthood (Bezold et al., 2018; Chawla, 2015; Engemann et al., 2019, 2020a, 2020b; Li et al., 2021; Pensini et al., 2016; Preuß et al., 2019; Roberts et al., 2020; Snell et al., 2016; Tillmann et al., 2018). Nonetheless, the specific role of childhood exposure to blue spaces in adult subjective well-being, as well as potential underlying mechanisms and cultural differences in the childhood nature adult well-being relationship remain underexplored. The overarching aim of the current paper was to investigate these issues using data from a large multi-country survey that had a particular focus on blue spaces such as rivers, lakes and the coast (Grellier et al., 2017). Specifically, we examined the relationship between childhood exposure to blue spaces and adult well-being and the potential mediating role of adult intrinsic motivation to visit natural spaces and the frequency of visits to blue and green spaces. Moreover, we explored if the patterns of associations were consistent across different countries and regions.

Despite evidence of the potential benefits of blue spaces for adult well-being (Bell et al., 2021; Völker & Kistemann, 2011, 2013; White et al., 2020), studies examining childhood nature exposure and adulthood outcomes have largely focused on green space, or natural spaces in general (e.g., Bezold et al., 2018; Preuß et al., 2019; Snell et al., 2016). Blue spaces have unique sensory qualities (e.g., light reflections, wave motion, sounds, etc., Völker & Kistemann, 2015; Ruiz-Gil et al., 2020) and facilitate a distinct range of leisure activities (e.g., swimming, fishing, water-sports; Elliott et al., 2018). They also pose a number of hazards and risks, particularly for children (e.g., drowning, infectious diseases, harmful algae blooms; World Health Organization, 2014; Congdon et al., 2013; Lawes et al., 2021), which may increase parental concerns about children's contact with these environments (Moran, 2009; Pitt, 2019). Moreover, even if green and blue spaces can be conceptualized as distinct and separate entities concerned with environmental characteristics and their benefits, sometimes, they cannot be distinctly separated from each other (Korpela et al., 2010). For example, terrestrial attributes around blue spaces, such as high-quality paths (Verbič et al., 2016) and easily accessible waterside spaces (De Bell et al., 2017) usually contain green vegetation and many green spaces also contain waterbodies such as rivers and ponds. Thus, blue- and green space experiences are frequently bound together and in line with that, childhood exposure to blue spaces is likely to play a role in predicting future frequency of green space visits as well. Nevertheless, recent evidence suggests that growing up near blue spaces is associated with a lower prevalence of a variety of mental health disorders during adulthood, even after accounting for concurrent green space exposure (Engemann et al., 2020; 2020b). These findings situate exposure to blue spaces during childhood as a potentially important predictor of adult mental well-being in its own right. Yet, it remains to be established whether this pattern of associations extends to less incidental forms of blue space exposure (i.e., active engagement with blue spaces, as opposed to residential proximity; Keniger et al., 2013) and non-clinical aspects of well-being. Thus, the first aim of the current study was to investigate whether recalled childhood exposure to blue spaces is related to better adult subjective well-being.

Several studies have now demonstrated that childhood exposure to natural environments and positive adult outcomes, are mediated, in part, through a heightened propensity to visit natural environments during adulthood (Pensini et al., 2016; Rosa et al., 2018; van Heezik et al., 2021). Proposed mechanisms underpinning adults’ recreational visits to natural spaces include: landscape preferences (van Heezik et al., 2021), habit formation (Taye et al., 2019), nature connectedness (Pensini et al., 2016; Rosa et al., 2018), and crucially for the current study, intrinsic motivation (Cleary et al., 2017).

Based on Self Determination Theory (Ryan & Deci, 2000), ‘intrinsic motivation’ refers to the desire to do something because it is pleasurable, valuable, and inherently rewarding. Intrinsic motivation can be contrasted with ‘extrinsic motivation’ (i.e., doing something to please others, or because one is required to do so) and ‘amotivation’ (i.e., an absence of motivation to engage in an activity). Furthermore, four types of extrinsic motivation have been identified along the continuum from amotivation and intrinsic motivation, differing in terms of the extent to which the motivation is autonomous or self-determined. From the least to the most autonomous type of motivation, they are: ‘external regulation’ (i.e., behavior controlled by external demand or incentives such as tangible rewards or punishment avoidance); ‘introjected regulation’ (i.e., doing something for a sense of pressure to avoid guilt and shame and to obtain a feeling of pride or worth); ‘identified regulation’ (i.e., acting as one feels it is personally important and congruent with one's own goals and values); and ‘integrated regulation’ (i.e., behavior fully integrated into personal values and beliefs).

The distinction between intrinsic and extrinsic motivation seems to be important as they each inspire different experiences of the behaviour undertaken. Previous studies suggested that intrinsic motivation in leisure activities may drive leisure engagement that could in turn enhance subjective well-being (Schulz et al., 2018). Moreover, intrinsically motivated leisure activities have a greater recovery potential, from stress and negative emotions (Ten Brummelhuis & Trougakos, 2014). Accordingly, persons who are intrinsically motivated experience greater freedom in performing the activity and are more absorbed in what they are doing; consequently, they derive more pleasure from doing the activity and feel freer and more relaxed. By contrast, extrinsically motivated persons experience more negative feelings such as anxiety, tension, and negative affect (Vallerand, 2007).

There is increasing recognition that intrinsic motivations to spend time in nature may underpin adult nature visits, and by implication, how these settings could potentially influence mental well-being (Tester-Jones et al., 2020). For instance, Cleary et al. (2017) maintain that the affective benefits of nature exposure (e.g., McMahan & Estes, 2015; Nisbet et al., 2011) are intrinsically rewarding, thus may trigger intrinsic aspirations involving the pursuit of goals concerning personal growth, intimacy, openness, and community (see also Snell et al., 2020; Weinstein et al., 2009). Prior findings also support the idea that situational experiences matter in the building process of intrinsic motivation (Løvoll et al., 2017). In this regard, autonomy-supportive situations have been characterized as providing greater opportunity for enhancing intrinsic motivation in an activity (e.g., Deci et al., 1994; Enzle & Anderson, 1993). This could be the case with childhood exposure to blue spaces (or to nature more generally), which may provide favourable conditions to enhance intrinsic motivation to spend time in nature later in life. Support for this contention comes from Asah et al.’s (2012) findings that childhood nature experiences are associated with greater motivation to engage in nature-based activities in later life, which in turn predicts higher levels of adult participation. However, to our knowledge, no research has examined whether this pattern of associations extends to better subjective well-being in adulthood. Building on previous theory and research, the current study examined whether the relationship between recalled childhood exposure to blue spaces and adult subjective well-being was mediated, in a serial manner, by greater intrinsic motivation to visit natural spaces and more frequent recent visits to blue and green spaces.

Studies have largely demonstrated that people from various cultures prefer natural to built environments (Ulrich, 1993); although this may vary as a function of age (e.g., Berto, 2007; Hughes et al., 2019). Nevertheless, cultural and contextual factors may influence people's aesthetic perceptions and preferences (Kaplan & Herbert, 1987; Kaplan & Talbot, 1988; Todorova et al., 2004; Van den Berg et al., 1998; White et al., 2014), as well as their use of, and experiences in, natural spaces (Loukaitou-Sideris, 1995). The way people relate to nature has been shown to vary across diverse geographical, cultural and socio-economic contexts (Milfont & Schultz, 2016; Soga & Gaston, 2020). Social and cultural backgrounds can also trigger distinct parental perceptions of risk and different educational approaches, with varying degrees of adult guidance and restrictions and these may differentially affect children's exposure or attitudes (Prince et al., 2013). Such differences have the potential to influence the strength of any relationship between childhood nature exposure and adult outcomes. For instance, associations between blue space exposure in childhood (and adulthood) and adult subjective well-being may be stronger in some countries than others (e.g., those with warmer climates).

Whilst making important contributions, prior research into childhood nature exposure have tended to use relatively small non-representative samples, consisting of a few hundred respondents from a single country (e.g., Pensini et al., 2016; Rosa et al., 2018; Ward Thompson et al., 2008; van Heezik et al., 2021; although see Preuß et al., 2019 for a four-city sample of 3583). Heterogeneity in the operationalisation of childhood nature exposure and adult well-being outcomes between studies, further limits potentially important cross-study comparisons. Thus, an additional aim of the current research was to assess the consistency of associations between childhood exposure to blue spaces and adult subjective well-being across 18 counties/regions.

The current study extended prior theory and research by investigating the associations between childhood blue space exposure, adult intrinsic motivation to visit natural spaces, recent visits to blue and green spaces, and adult subjective well-being using representative cross-sectional samples from 18 countries/regions. The aims of the study were threefold: 1) to explore whether greater childhood exposure to blue spaces was associated with better adult subjective well-being; and if so; 2) whether this relationship was serially mediated by higher adult intrinsic motivation to visit natural spaces and a greater frequency of recent visits to blue and green spaces in adulthood; and 3) to examine the consistency of these associations between different countries/regions. Fig. 1 presents our conceptual model depicting the hypothesised associations between childhood blue space exposure, intrinsic motivation to visit natural spaces, recent visits to blue and green spaces and adult subjective well-being.

Our overarching hypothesis was that there would be a positive relationship between childhood exposure to blue spaces and adult subjective well-being (H₁). Based on prior theory and research we also predicted: a) a positive association between childhood exposure to blue spaces and intrinsic motivation to visit natural spaces in adulthood (H₂); b) higher intrinsic motivation to visit natural spaces would be associated with more frequent recent visits to blue and green spaces in adulthood (H₃) and c) more frequent recent blue and green space visits during adulthood would be linked to higher adult subjective well-being (H₄). Put differently, we expected the relationship between childhood exposure to blue spaces to be serially mediated by intrinsic motivations and recent nature visits (blue and green). Since there has been little prior work regarding cross-cultural differences in childhood nature exposure–adult well-being associations, we made no specific hypotheses regarding the consistency of these associations across countries/regions. Nonetheless, due to the international nature of the sample, we explored the following research question: to what extent is our conceptual model supported across each of the 18 countries/regions? (RQ₁). However, although the current paper does run the main model separately for each country, a detailed examination of the similarities and differences across country is beyond the scope of the current paper.