The effectiveness of American college sexual assault interventions in highly masculine settings: A systematic review and meta-analysis

Highlights

• Most sexual assault interventions are geared towards fraternity members.

• There is a lack of sexual assault interventions aimed at male college athletes.

• Sexual assault interventions were effective in reducing rape myth acceptance.

Abstract

Sexual assault is prevalent on college campuses, with research showing that one in five undergraduate college women will be victims of sexual assault. Previous research has identified highly-masculine settings in higher education, such as fraternities and male athletic teams, as high-risk populations for sexual assault perpetration, resulting in the development of multiple interventions targeted at these groups. To date the effectiveness of these programs among this subpopulation has not been examined, as such, this systematic review examined the effectiveness of sexual assault interventions aimed towards fraternities and male collegiate athletic teams. To synthesize the existing scientific evidence five databases were searched resulting in a 5859-article screening. A total of 10 articles met full text criteria. Qualitative synthesis of these articles provided evidence to support the effectiveness of these programs in preventing sexual assault from these high-risk and highly masculine groups. A meta-analysis of five intervention effects among fraternity members indicated promising effects in the reduction of rape myth beliefs. Given the disproportionate number of sexual assault intervention programs aimed at fraternity members, future intervention programs should also target men in collegiate athletic teams.

Introduction

Sexual assault is non-consensual sexual contact or behavior that encompasses actions such as forced sexual acts or rape (Dills, Fowler, & Payne, 2016). Federal legislation has been recently enacted in direct response to the issue of pervasive sexual assault in American higher education institutions (Richards, 2019). Provisions to safeguard, prevent, and respond to sexual assault in colleges and universities are outlined in the combined implementations of Title IV and Clery Act (U.S. Department of Education, 2014; Potter, Krider, & McMahon, 2000; Richards, 2019).

Nationally representative prevalence rates in civilian populations indicate that women report sexual violence victimization at higher rates than men, and men report higher rates of sexual violence perpetration than women (Smith et al., 2017). Sexual violence also disproportionately affects young adults, with those in the 18 to 24 age group experiencing higher rates of sexual assault than compared to other developmental stages (Sinozich & Langton, 2014). Research has consistently shown that one in five undergraduate college women will be victims of sexual assault (Krebs et al., 2016; Krebs, Lindquist, Warner, Fisher, & Martin, 2009). Additionally, a meta-analytic review found that approximately 29 % of college men perpetrated some form of sexual violence against a woman (Anderson, Silver, Ciampaglia, Vitale, & Delahanty, 2019). Although there is a disproportionate experience of sexual assault victimization among college women, it is crucial to emphasize that sexual assault victimization has been reported across genders (Cantor et al., 2019). A total of 6.6 % of undergraduate men had experienced sexual assault through force or when they could not consent (Cantor et al., 2019). These rates are conservative, given that the incidences of sexual assault are underreported, especially among male victims (Griffin, Wentz, & Meinert, 2021; Moylan, Hatfield, & Randall, 2018). The most common types of sexual assault reported by college students include unwanted sexual contact and sexual coercion, incapacitated rape, and completed or attempted rape (Fedina, Holmes, & Backes, 2018).

The common occurrence of sexual assault in post-secondary education institutions highlights the need for sexual assault prevention efforts to target college men as potential perpetrators and bystanders. This is further substantiated by the fact that most perpetrators of male and female sexual assault incidents on college campuses are identified as male (Budd, Rocque, & Bierie, 2019). Thus, an avenue for prevention is to target male-majority and masculinized contexts, such as fraternities and male collegiate athletic teams. Indeed, fraternities and male athletics teams are identified as high-risk groups for the perpetration of sexual assault (e.g., Bleecker & Murnen, 2005; Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2014; Franklin, Bouffard, & Pratt, 2012; Gage, 2008; Humphrey & Kahn, 2000; Mazar & Kirkner, 2016; McCray, 2015; Murnen & Kohlman, 2007; Young, Desmarais, Baldwin, & Chandler, 2017). For example, cross-sectional and longitudinal studies have found that fraternity membership is associated with an increased likelihood to sexually assault women compared to college men not part of a fraternity (Franklin et al., 2012; Loh, Gidycz, Lobo, & Luthra, 2005). Similarly, compared to non-collegiate athletes, male collegiate athletes were almost twice as likely to report perpetration of sexual coercion, including forced penetration and forced oral sex (Young et al., 2017).

Explanations for why these groups are at higher risk for sexual assault include a culture of hostile masculinity, characterized by hypermasculinity and rape myth acceptance (McDermott, Kilmartin, McKelvey, & Kridel, 2015; Murnen & Kohlman, 2007; Seabrook, McMahon, & O'Connor, 2018). Hypermasculinity involves endorsing aggression, male superiority, and sexual cruelty, which are associated with the justification of violence towards women (Murnen & Kohlman, 2007) and an increased likelihood of violence perpetration (Thompson, Swartout, & Koss, 2013). The relationship between hypermasculinity and sexual assault is limited to male-to-female sexual assault and extends to male-to-male sexual assaults across various settings (Fogel & Quinlan, 2020; Jeckell, Copenhaver, & Diamond, 2018; Waldron, Lynn, & Krane, 2011). Accepting hostile masculinity also places men at risk for sexual violence victimization (Javaid, 2016; Turchik & Edwards, 2012).

Often traditional male segregated spaces, like fraternities and male collegiate athletics teams, nurture cultures that normalize and value hypermasculinity (Murnen & Kohlman, 2007). Previous studies have found higher hypermasculinity scores among fraternity members and male collegiate athletes (Gage, 2008; Seabrook et al., 2018). For example, one study found differences in hypermasculinity endorsement among different athletic groups and differences between athletes and nonathletes. Athletes in sports that had higher prominence in the institution were classified as center athletes, e.g., football players, while those in sports that were considered non-revenue and low prestige were classified as marginal athletes, e.g., tennis players (Gage, 2008). Center athletes reported more hypermasculinity when compared to marginal athletes and when compared to nonathletes (Gage, 2008).

Rape myth acceptance similarly fosters a culture that normalizes sexual violence and victim-blaming (Burt, 1980; Payne, Lonsway, & Fitzgerald, 1999). For example, individuals who blame inappropriate clothing as a reason for rape or that men lack sexual impulse control are more likely to endorse rape myths (McMahon, 2010). Group norms of rape myth acceptance increase rape proclivity among men (Bohner, Siebler, & Schmelcher, 2006). Given the highly masculinized contexts of fraternities, it is not surprising that members report more significant endorsement of rape myth acceptance than non-fraternity members across several studies that focus on college students (Boeringer, 1999; Bleecker & Murnen, 2005; Canan, Jozkowski, & Crawford, 2018; Pettit et al., 2017; Seabrook et al., 2018). Further, the endorsement of rape myths is also prevalent among male collegiate athletes (Boeringer, 1999; McMahon, 2010; Navarro & Tewksbury, 2019; Young et al., 2017). The relationship between fraternity or athletic team membership and rape myth acceptance is mediated by the endorsement of traditional masculine norms, pressure to maintain masculine norms, and the objectification of women (Seabrook et al., 2018a).

There have been numerous intervention efforts to address sexual assault by men in highly masculine contexts; however, the effectiveness of these interventions remains unclear. Anderson and Whiston (2005) meta-analysis of sexual assault education programs on college campuses found that sexual assault intervention programs positively impacted Greek members within rape attitude constructs. However, the authors cautioned generalizing the findings as it was based on five heterogeneous studies. This review also highlighted the use of bystander intervention with supplemental content that incorporates an empathy-based and psychoeducational approach. However, like Anderson and Whiston (2005) study, their review did not include interventions aimed at male collegiate athletic teams. Additionally, DeGue et al. (2014) conducted a systematic review examining sexual violence perpetration programs, which found that more than 60 % of sexual violence prevention strategies were aimed at college students; of these, 10 % focused on fraternities, male athletes, or the military.

An in-depth assessment of intervention programs among fraternity members and male collegiate athletes has not been executed despite these two groups being considered high-risk for sexual assault perpetration. Therefore, this systematic review examines the effectiveness of sexual assault intervention programs specifically aimed towards men in highly masculine settings in higher education, i.e., fraternities and collegiate athletic teams. The potential benefit of knowing their effectiveness includes informing future prevention and intervention efforts based on best practices, which could help reduce the incidence of sexual assault perpetration within these highly masculine contexts.