Coevolutionary decoupling in artisanal fisher communities: A temporal perspective from Chile
Introduction
Since the mid-1990s, conditions of fishing practices and communities have attracted increasing interest from academia and policymakers, with a special emphasis on the challenges faced by artisanal fishing communities (Kooiman and Bavinck, 2005) in a context of increasing ocean grabbing (Bennett et al., 2015). Between 1960 and 1990, the worldwide extraction of 20 million tonnes of fishery resources quadrupled (FAO, 2018), radically altering marine ecosystems (Glaría, 2010).
Research on fishery sustainability relates scarcity to a social issue of resource management (Armitage et al., 2017, Armitage et al., 2007; Camus Gayan and Hidalgo Dattwyler, 2017; Camus et al., 2016; Kooiman and Bavinck, 2005; Olson, 2011), overexploitation and ocean grabbing of fishing by big industry and, to a lesser extent, by small-scale fishing using techniques similar to monospecies extraction from the fishing industry (Beitl, 2015; Bennett et al., 2015), and focusing on unequal extraction power (Bennett et al., 2015). Complementary studies based on governance of the commons in fisheries address the problems by advocating the development of collaborative-participatory management and co-management among different public and private actors (Begossi et al., 2011; Trimble and Berkes, 2013), with an emphasis on regulating resource extraction as a way of dealing with the power asymmetry of those with greater extractive technology (Acheson, 2018). Management practices like Payments for Ecosystem Services (PES) have enabled the impacts on overexploitation to be managed by means of associations and incentives for protected extraction, and have allowed the species and life of the ecosystems to be conserved (Bladon et al., 2016). In this debate, artisanal activity is identified as important in contributing to feeding the population and balancing the species' reproductive cycles (Kooiman and Bavinck, 2005), as well as being a potential alternative approach to neoliberal resource management, with both positive (Beitl, 2015; Mackenzie, 2001; Ocampo, 2017) and negative results (Begossi et al., 2011).
Co-management (Begossi et al., 2011) as an alternative fisheries practice has incorporated the participation of a wide range of local actors into its approach; however, it has been unable to deal seriously with the socioecological fishing crisis, given that although it does articulate the creation of interesting projects to reactivate traditional fishing through conservation, tourism or protected areas, in practice they seldom take root and achieve generational continuity. It clashes with dynamics of fishery dispossession (Malm and Esmailian, 2012), especially in the global South. It could be argued that because it is centred on resource management, co-management conveys values of economic development to the traditional activity through a neoclassical economic matrix, in which productivity-efficiency and competitiveness underlie the process of sustainable development. Mansfield (Mansfield, 2004) calls it “another neoliberal project” in fisheries, as management becomes a restrictive norm (Schultz, 2015) and a rationalist (Percy and O'Riordan, 2020), calculating (Pinkerton and Davis, 2015) and individualist resource (Acheson, 2018; Olson, 2011).
The commons approach of Ostrom (1990) has also influenced the management of fisheries governance (Kooiman and Bavinck, 2005) by addressing the impacts on resources and those who promote them, in which a variety of actors, the governance system, resource units and interactions-outcomes all come into play. However, this approach is limited to the empirical analysis of management within the governance of fishery resources, making it difficult to adapt it to more complex interpretations of the negative effects on fisheries, changes and transformations over time. Inspired by this interpretation, models like the Social Ecological System (SES) (Basurto et al., 2013; McGinnis and Ostrom, 2014) consider the negative effects on fishery resources while ignoring other factors like the influence of the national economic context on the local one, the deterioration of ecosystems over time and the predominance of certain values in the culture and politics that make what happens in fisheries in the global South different, where the institutions are fragile and at times corrupt. The implementation of regulations controlling extraction via quotas, for example, has been criticised for being a rational tool agreed upon institutionalization through regulations that restrict the traditional activity of fishers, distancing them from their culture and their tradition, which is based on spoken agreements (Blomley, 2016; Castree, 2008; Giordano, 2003).
Unlike governance and commons approaches, by observing affected networks and food chains, ecology focuses on biophysical-chemical properties that lower the availability of resources over time. From the integral ecology approach (Chapin III et al., 2002; Grimm et al., 2008; Redman et al., 2004), Long Term Ecological Resources (LTER) (Kröncke et al., 2019; Lercari et al., 2018) and Local Ecological Knowledge (LEK) generate evolutionary models that provide explanations of the scarcity of fishery resources due to changes associated with variations in climate, ocean temperature, extraction practices and nutrients produced in the food chain over time (Hanazaki, 2003; Santos Thykjaer et al., 2019). Although they integrate the socioecological system and feedback on fishery ecosystems, these studies are limited to explanations of ecological patterns—nutrients, food chain and species—without fully integrating the relationship with social systems (Znachor et al., 2016). These studies have conceptualised some social patterns but the social condition is ultimately not included. As Berkes and Folke (Armitage et al., 2007) and new critical currents (Bakker, 2010; Bresnihan, 2019) point out, the new context of effects on fishing —anchored in sustainability, resource management and FAO reports—requires a complex understanding of local socioecological interactions related to fisheries.
In this article we further the analysis by adapting Norgaard's coevolution model (Ekins and Norgaard, 2006; Gual and Norgaard, 2010) with a systemic lens to study the process of socioecological impacts of artisanal fisheries in two localities in Puchuncaví (Valparaíso, Chile), incorporating a time perspective. This co-evolutionary analysis helps us to recognize multiple incident factors of negative effects on the socioecological system over time, including not only the organisational aspect associated with management and governance but also the ecological patterns addressed by integral ecology. As such, the analysis carried out in this study provides analytical tools to understand the negative effects on fisheries over time by identifying the different interactions that have influenced a process of change and scarcity.
Section snippets
Coevolution as a systemic approach for understanding socioecological fishing affectations
The coevolution approach provides an understanding of fishery resources associated with various interdependent interactions in a more complex socioeconomic context, including technological management, applied wisdom and the values that coexist within the same ecosystem and local community (Armitage et al., 2007; Bresnihan, 2019). It allows us to understand the negative effects on fishery resources in a relational way and how these changes are produced, taking into consideration the local
Methodology
The fishing localities of Puchuncavi experienced a socioecological resource crisis that dovetailed with the global weakening of traditional fishing activity starting in 1985 (Armitage et al., 2007; Beitl, 2015; Kooiman and Bavinck, 2005). In Chile, fishing practices have evolved within the framework of the establishment of policies defined as sustainable, including fishing quotas, management areas, closed systems and aquaculture (Anbleyth-Evans et al., 2020; Ceballos Cardona and Ther Ríos, 2018
Coevolutionary processes in the transformation of fishing
Adapting multiple feedback analysis (Ekins and Norgaard, 2006; Grimm et al., 2008; Gual and Norgaard, 2010; Redman et al., 2004), we observed that the negative effects on fishery resources occurred throughout an extended time period. To achieve this finding, as a first step, we modified Norgaard's systems co-evolution model to adapt it to the study of fisheries. Thus, each system was operationalized through indicators, for example: technological system (fishing gear), environment (fishing
Discussion and conclusion
The case study of Horcon and Ventanas (Chile) illustrates the complexity of the negative effects on fishery resources over time. These effects are identified via the interaction of different kinds of feedback which highlight interdependent relations (Castree, 2008, pp. 109–123) that coevolved over the periods (Ekins and Norgaard, 2006; Norgaard, 1981, Norgaard, 1988), showing different negative factors resulting from feedback from structural coupling and decoupling which are relevant in
Acknowledgments and funding
This research has financial support in the program “Beca Doctorado en el extranjero, Conicyt, Programa Formación de Capital Humano Avanzado (PFCHA), Agencia Nacional de Investigación y Desarrollo (ANID), Chile” and in the ECOLEARN Project (PID2019-106438RB-100) of the I+D 2019 Retos de Investigación del Ministerio de Ciencia, Investigación y Universidades de España. We also recognize all the organisations and people of the Puchuncavi territory and fishing communities of Horcón and Ventanas.
Declaration of Competing Interest
The authors declare that they have no known competing financial interests or personal relationships that could have appeared to influence the work reported in this paper.
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