Early career Black women in school-based mental health fields: Understanding their experiences of workplace discrimination

Abstract

This study aimed to understand school mental health providers' experiences with racism and other forms of discrimination (i.e., gendered-based discrimination) at work, with an exclusive focus on early career Black women. Participants included 10 Black women in school-based mental health fields, namely school psychology and school counseling. All participants completed one individual interview and data analysis was grounded in a transcendental phenomenological approach. Findings revealed three key themes: (1) Affinity and Action, (2) Individual Experience of Discrimination, and (3) Systemic Racism and Discrimination Impacting Students of Color. Participants were passionate about advocating for all students and liberating marginalized students from oppressive school structures. However, participants' own experiences with discrimination impacted their well-being and job satisfaction. The participating women utilized several strategies to cope and push for change (e.g., reporting to the human resource personnel). Yet, people in power precluded their efforts and the emotional toll led some participants to question whether they should transition to a new field of practice. Findings from this research support calls for increased attention to Black women in school mental health fields, because they are placed at risk of experiencing work discrimination due to their intersectional identities.

Introduction

Despite the growing diversity among school-age youth, wherein racially/ethnically minoritized students are increasingly becoming the majority in K-12 schools (de Brey et al., 2019), most school personnel, including school mental health providers, continue to identify as White women (American School Counselor Association, 2020a; Goforth et al., 2021). One implication of this discrepancy includes a cultural disconnect between school personnel and the student population, where marginalized students' values, beliefs, and other markers of one's cultural background are often viewed from a deficit lens (Ladson-Billings, 2014; Paris, 2012). Another consequence of the cultural differences between educators and students served, reflecting a larger systemic issue, includes ongoing disparities in academic achievement, school discipline, and special education identification between marginalized students, especially Black youth, and their White peers, owing to both structural barriers and educator bias (Gregory et al., 2010; Sullivan & Artiles, 2011; Sullivan & Proctor, 2016).

In response to ongoing disparities in K-12 schools, professional organizations in school mental health fields (i.e., school counselors, school psychologists, and school social workers) have championed for social justice-oriented practices on behalf of school-age youth, where practitioners are called to advocate for equitable, non-discriminatory school and community practices (American School Counselor Association, 2019; Frey et al., 2013; National Association of School Psychologists, 2021). Recruiting and retaining practitioners from marginalized backgrounds has been proposed as a major pillar of this work (National Association of School Psychologists, 2016; Newell et al., 2010). Nevertheless, relatively few studies have examined the experiences of Black school-based mental health (SBMH) providers who “check both boxes”, with these “boxes” being advocating for marginalized populations and increasing the representation of diversity in the field, as they are forced to reconcile their own experiences of discrimination in K-12 schools.

Indeed, like other institutions and settings of employment, schools are workplace systems that are prone to incidents of employment discrimination (Avery et al., 2014; Triana et al., 2015), alongside disparate K-12 student treatment. Examining Black SBMH providers' unique experiences with workplace racism and discrimination provides a deeper, more nuanced understanding of a complex, hegemonized problem with many moving parts. For example, practitioners of color may experience additional pressure to manage emotions due to the compounding effects of navigating an emotionally laborious field (i.e., mental health careers) and biased systems (Sandoval, 2020). Furthermore, individuals of color may uphold systems of oppression by acting upon “racist stereotypes, images, values, [and] ideologies perpetuated by the White dominant society” (Speight et al., 2016, p. 196), resulting in further marginalization of other people of color. Discriminatory work experiences based on one's gender and race, a concept referred to as gendered racism (Wingfield, 2007), can impact Black men and women where employees are silenced, mistreated, and relegated to limited roles.

In fact, centering research on Black women's experiences is particularly critical, because they are more likely to experience racism and discrimination at work as compared to men and their White counterparts (Triana et al., 2015). Early career Black women may be even more susceptible to encountering work discrimination given the intersection of sexism, gendered-discrimination and racism coupled with the recent transition to their respective careers (Sandoval, 2020; Truscott et al., 2014). Consequently, one's position as a new employee can interfere with the leverage that they have to address such incidents when they occur (Jones et al., 2020). No study to date has focused on early career Black women who are employed as SBMH providers, despite their intersectional vulnerabilities (i.e., race/ethnicity and gender) and challenges associated with the early career transition (e.g., managing work-related responsibilities, questioning one's competence; Newman et al., 2018; Portman, 2002; Slaten et al., 2013). As such, in the current study, the research team interviewed 10 early career Black women who were SBMH providers (i.e., school psychologists and school counselors) to understand their experiences with discrimination in public school settings.

The U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) defines employment discrimination as incidents that involve employees experiencing unfair treatment, harassment, denial of reasonable accommodations, or pressure to disclose genetic and medical information due to their medical status and identities based on their age (age 40 years or older), disability, national origin, race/color, religion, or sex (U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, 2021). The most frequent charges of workplace discrimination received by the EEOC typically involve issues related to race and sex (a term used by the EEOC to denote one's biological sex assigned at birth), alongside disability (U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, 2020), with Black individuals and women being most likely to experience discrimination at work (Avery et al., 2014; Triana et al., 2015). This leaves Black women in a vulnerable position given their intersectional identities (Crenshaw, 1991), as workplace discrimination can impact individuals' physical health and psychological well-being (Brody et al., 2006; Thomas & Plaut, 2008; Triana et al., 2015). Likewise, racial discrimination impacts the U.S. workforce at large by increasing minoritized workers' turnover intentions, job dissatisfaction, and job withdrawal rates (Avery et al., 2014; Dipboye & Colella, 2005).

Discrimination can occur at the organizational and individual levels and be further delineated as overt and subtle. Overt incidents of organizational discrimination may include intentional discriminatory human resources (HR) policies and practices and retaliation against employees who file complaints. Subtle forms of organizational-level discrimination may consist of leaders perpetuating a culture of silence relative to diversity and discrimination or observers of discrimination being victimized because of the practices and policies they observe (Thomas & Plaut, 2008). At the individual level, overt forms of discrimination may include verbal and physical harassment and intentional/hostile forms of discrimination, whereas subtle forms of discrimination directed towards individuals may entail silencing individuals from speaking out against inequities, discrediting ideas and individuals who are different, and excluding and avoiding others based on their identities (Thomas & Plaut, 2008).

As described by Lewis et al. (2013), the subtle racism experienced by Black women is associated with Pierce et al.’ (1977) and Sue et al.'s (2007) notion of racial microaggression. A racial microaggression is defined as a subtle verbal, behavioral, and environmental circumstance (both intentional and unintentional) that communicates hostile, derogatory, or negative racial slights and insults to the target person or group (Pierce et al., 1977; Sue et al., 2007). The number of workplace discrimination complaints has increased since the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 (Triana et al., 2015), which may be attributed to the gradual increase of subtle forms of discrimination (Hebl et al., 2008).

As subtle discrimination is far more commonplace, Deitch et al. (2003) noted that ongoing occurrences of subtle discrimination may have a cumulative impact on the lives of individuals. For example, Sue (2010) found that racial microaggressions had a deleterious impact on mental health outcomes among marginalized populations and Lewis et al. (2017) found that gendered racial microaggressions predicted negative mental and physical health among Black women. Consequently, researchers have reported links between Black women's experiences of racial microaggressions and their experiences of frustration, sadness, resentment, physical illness (e.g., high blood pressure, obesity), sleep disturbance, fatigue/exhaustion, anxiety, and depression (Donovan et al., 2013; Robinson-Wood et al., 2015).

Black women may also experience difficulties navigating workplace discrimination because of organizational politics and issues of power and privilege. Organizational politics are defined as actions employees may exert to influence someone to act in a way that enhances the individual's or organizational objectives (Ferris et al., 2005). In the context of the present study, power and privilege is determined by the extent to which individuals or specific groups can influence the workplace environment in several ways (Bierema & Thomas, 2008; Thomas & Plaut, 2008). Bierema and Thomas (2008) identified power and privilege as critical variables that contribute to diversity resistance in workforce settings, wherein people who are privileged with positions of influence can preclude efforts of supporting marginalized employees by using their political power against oppressed groups.

Discrimination can manifest in any workplace; however, Sandoval (2020) argued that careers requiring high emotional labor deserve more attention in the professional literature because of their propensity to cause job-related burnout and decreased job satisfaction that can be exacerbated by employees' encounters with discrimination. For example, Black women mental health crisis workers who participated in Sandoval's study experienced difficulties with performing job responsibilities and responding to individuals with mental health needs when they were (a) called derogatory names based on their race and gender such as “n****” and “Black b****,” and (b) when their competence was questioned by clients, families, and supervisors due to the color of their skin. Sandoval also indicated that the racism participants experienced was detrimental to their jobs' core mission (i.e., crisis response). The participants' capacity to perform their duties was jeopardized by such experiences, yet their status as racially minoritized individuals helped them build rapport with similar clients and provide authentic culturally responsive mental health care.

In a similar vein, the presence of Black mental health service providers can cultivate racially/ethnically minoritized students' positive development in school settings, especially when students of color are not supported because of oppressive school structures (Truscott et al., 2014). For example, Truscott et al. interviewed 30 Black school psychologists (77% identified as female) working in the Southeastern U.S. about their perceptions of the opportunities and challenges of being an African American school-based practitioner. Regarding opportunities, participants indicated their racial identity and related experiences positioned them to connect with and advocate for students of color when indicators of disparate treatment were observed (e.g., disproportionately placed in special education programs). Additional benefits participants reported included serving as a role model for marginalized students and connecting with families and colleagues of color.

Wingate (2011) interviewed seven school counselors who identified as African American (most were in the early career stage, n = 5) about their lived experiences serving in a majority White school district. Like school psychologists who participated in Truscott and colleagues' (2014) study, the school counselors described efforts they employed to support students of color when they were treated unfairly as compared to White students. Examples of their services included surveying students about their experiences to understand their needs, seeking grant funding to support students from low-income backgrounds, and being a source of support for students by empowering students to take ownership of their growth.

Black practitioners are placed at risk of experiencing discrimination and other forms of biases in the school context (Truscott et al., 2014; Wines et al., 2015). For example, Black school psychologists reported “feeling overlooked, underappreciated, and/or intellectually incompetent by others (students, parents, colleagues, administration, etc.)” because of their race (Truscott et al., 2014, p. 375). Although participants acknowledged the benefits of understanding students and families of color, the school psychologists also found it challenging to be viewed as the “single informant” (Truscott et al., 2014, p. 376) for all people of color. Black school counselors in Wingate (2011) and Wines et al.'s (2015) studies expressed a similar sentiment, wherein colleagues viewed them as cultural ambassadors and spokespersons for other Black individuals and attempted to force the participants to address all issues related to students of color. In contrast, participants were undermined, scrutinized, and dismissed by and more often than their White counterparts on other occasions. The contradictory nature of these exchanges—being upheld as the expert for serving students of color yet condemned when performing other job-related tasks—may contribute to the psychological burden of being aggressed against while feeling the pressure to protect students of color (Wingate, 2011).

Furthermore, Black mental health providers in three studies (Sandoval, 2020; Truscott et al., 2014; Wines et al., 2015) reported being careful about how they phrased things at work to avoid further discrimination and being perceived as something they were not (e.g., “an angry Black woman”). As a result, participants in Sandoval's (2020) and Wines et al.'s (2015) studies relied on personal coping mechanisms to deal with discriminatory encounters. Noted examples of coping behaviors included pausing to reflect, eating healthy, working out, using laughter/humor, relying on their spirituality, and seeking social support. Unfortunately, the Black women who participated in Sandoval's study also engaged in unhealthy coping behaviors such as excessive eating and substance use. Even though participants indicated a need for increased support at the organizational and supervisory levels (e.g., more diversity training, human resource involvement, penalties imposed on employees), participants did not detail their perceptions of or experiences with such systems.

Understanding Black women's experiences with organizational and administrative-based support is crucial because a reliance on personal coping alone can have an adverse effect on workers' health over time (Abrams et al., 2019). Indeed, Mellor (2004) highlighted the importance of distinguishing coping behaviors that serve to prevent personal injury from those that are intended to remediate, prevent, or punish racism. Finally, racial discrimination can have a negative impact on Black employees' job performance as well as their decision to quit (Avery et al., 2014; Truscott et al., 2014). However, little is known about the experiences of early career women practitioners who are in a vulnerable stage in their professional careers (Jones et al., 2020).

Early Career Professionals (ECPs) are typically identified as people who are within the first 7 years of practice after receiving their professional degree (Green & Hawley, 2009; O'Shaughnessy & Burnes, 2016). The early career stage is a stressful time, wherein ECPs may struggle with the transition from a structured educational environment to an unfamiliar and unpredictable professional arena (Green & Hawley, 2009; Luke & Goodrich, 2010). Consequently, practitioners in early career mental health fields reported difficulties with managing work-related responsibilities, questioning their own competence, and feeling inadequately prepared to address different situations at work, in addition to not being taken seriously given their recent transition to the field (Newman et al., 2018; Portman, 2002; Slaten et al., 2013). Being confident about one's professional identity can help ECPs sustain motivation and overcome the aforementioned difficulties, yet the intersection of diverse factors such as gendered racism can impact ECPs' ability to form a professional and personal identity that seamlessly coexist (Dickens & Chavez, 2018; Luke & Goodrich, 2010; O'Shaughnessy & Burnes, 2016). For example, Black women may alter their personal identity (e.g., changing their speech and appearance) and silence themselves to serve as the “the model Black citizen” (Dickens & Chavez, 2018, p. 765), a process that can be psychologically exhausting when Black women feel inauthentic but have no choice but to change who they are to survive the work environment.

Mentorship and supervision can help ECPs navigate transition-related issues (O'Shaughnessy & Burnes, 2016; Portman, 2002; Silva et al., 2016), which is especially critical for early career Black women, considering their increased likelihood of experiencing sexism or gendered racism. Still, this group of practitioners may lack access to colleagues, mentors, or supervisors who have had similar experiences (O'Shaughnessy & Burnes, 2016). In turn, Black women in the early career stage have reported feeling powerless and a sense of isolation due to the many challenges they are prone to encounter (Dickens & Chavez, 2018; O'Shaughnessy & Burnes, 2016).

Considering the understudied experiences of Black women who are SBMH providers, this study was guided by Collins' (2002) Black Feminist Theory and Crenshaw's (1991) Intersectionality Theory, which are two theories that are often discussed in tandem. Black Feminist Theory centers Black/African American women's experiences at the focal point of data analysis. Collins (2002) introduced Black Feminist Theory as a framework for combining an Afrocentric worldview with feminist thought to better understand African American women's unique experiences with structural issues. Some key tenets of this theory include a commitment to understanding the impact of oppression on African American women's daily lives, recognizing that African American women have revered knowledge and perspectives based on their lived experiences, and championing for social justice for marginalized groups. Black Feminist Theory also underscores African American women's capacity to cope with racism and sexism. Thus, we elevated the participants' experiences with racism and sexism throughout the study and were intentional about creating a space for them to share their experiences without judgment or constraint. Rather than limiting our discussion to the difficulties that the women experienced, we were also intentional about probing the efforts they employed to challenge the oppression they encountered and observed on behalf of themselves and the students they served, respectively.

At the same time, it was important for our team to give credence to the totality of their experiences by elevating the implications of their intersectional identities as Black women in their early career stage. Intersectionality Theory is rooted in legal advocacy for women of color. Crenshaw (1991) argued that traditional notions of feminism and antiracism failed to consider the interaction of race and gender, at the expense of negating the experiences of women of color. Consequently, Intersectionality Theory underscores the importance of understanding matters of race and gender in combination rather than in isolation, considering the compounding effects of discrimination that individuals with multiple intersecting identities often endure. Scholars have employed Intersectionality Theory to examine multiple aspects of individuals' identity, including race, gender, and sexual orientation (e.g., Miller & Stack, 2014). The authors approached this study from an intersectional perspective by examining participants' experiences as Black women and early career practitioners.

Overall, Black early career women in SBMH fields may face difficulties navigating this stage of their professional careers considering the general challenges early career SBMH providers are likely to experience and due to encounters with workplace discrimination. Likewise, Black school psychologists and mental health crisis responders in previous studies (Sandoval, 2020; Truscott et al., 2014) suggested that early career Black professionals seemed to encounter increased discrimination (e.g., people challenging their competence) due to the combination of race-related prejudices and negative perceptions associated with one's recent transition to the field. Given that no studies have examined the experiences of Black women who are early career school counselors and school psychologists, despite their intersectional vulnerabilities, our research team interviewed 10 women from these career fields to understand their experiences of workplace discrimination in K-12 schools. This study was guided by the following question: How do early career Black women experience workplace discrimination as school psychologists and school counselors?