To be, or not to be…Black: The effects of racial codeswitching on perceived professionalism in the workplace☆
Introduction
In the film Sorry to Bother You, protagonist Cassius Green struggles to make sales as a telemarketer. He is encouraged by a seasoned Black employee to use his “White voice” when communicating with potential customers, which exponentially improves his sales and career trajectory. Although this film exaggerates the linkage between Cassius's ability to adjust his voice with his work-related success, codeswitching—the temporary “switching on” or adjustment of behaviors to optimize the comfort of others in exchange for a desired outcome ((Anicich and Hirsh, 2017)Cross & Strauss, 1998; Dickens & Chavez, 2017; McCluney, Robotham, Lee, Smith II, & Durkee, 2019; Molinsky, 2007)—has long been a strategy for Black people to excel in White cultural spaces (Carbado & Gulati, 2013; Ibarra, 1995; Roberts, 2005). The presumption that a “White sounding voice” is also a preferred manner of speaking further associates Whiteness with professionalism, creating a dilemma for Black people who desire to be seen as a professional. Previous studies have found that presenting (or pretending to present) one's authentic self enhances career outcomes and work-related well-being (Cha et al., 2019; Klotz et al., 2018; Moore, Lee, Kim, & Cable, 2017; Roulin & Krings, 2020), but members of marginalized groups tend to fare better when they adjust their self-presentation and manage other's perceptions of their stigmatized identity (Ali, Lyons, & Ryan, 2017; Roberts, Cha, & Kim, 2014; Roberts, Settles, & Jellison, 2008). Our paper extends work on impression formation for individuals with visibly stigmatized identities by examining perceptions of racial codeswitching in professional settings. Specifically, we measure intragroup (e.g., Black people) and intergroup (e.g., White people) evaluations of codeswitching and perceptions of professionalism for Black people who do (not) codeswitch in the workplace.
Black employees in majority White spaces benefit from being perceived as a professional in these settings. Professionalism broadly refers to an individual possessing specialized knowledge, character, and capacity to meet the technical and social demands of their profession (Ibarra, 1999; Pratt, Rockmann, & Kaufmann, 2006; Roberts, 2005) and is bestowed upon those who reflect the values and norms of their professional community (Eckert & McConnell-Ginet, 1992). Demonstrating these values and norms extend beyond one's work output into their self-presentation including ways of speaking and communicating, physical appearance, and having interests that symbolize one's membership in the profession (Bell & Nkomo, 2001; Pratt et al., 2006). Being perceived as a professional generates respect in one's field, status, power, and access to networks (Ibarra, 1999; Pratt et al., 2006; Roberts, 2005), making it a desirable outcome for employees in white-collar occupations.
Perceptions of professionalism are enhanced when individuals share similar characteristics with a majority of others in their profession (Ashcraft, 2013; Essed & Goldberg, 2002; Hall, Hall, Galinsky, & Phillips, 2019; Ibarra, 1995). White men in Western countries have historically held the power and authority to shape the norms of professionalism given their overrepresentation in managerial, white-collar occupations (Sidanius & Pratto, 1999). Indeed, White men's values and norms come to ‘define’ the occupations that they hold (Ashcraft, 2013; Carton and Rosette, 2011) including their interests and hobbies (e.g., golfing), standards of appearance and dress, dialect and style of speech, and the prevalence of specific names (e.g., John) for individuals in professional spaces (Essed, 2002; Rosette, Leonardelli, & Phillips, 2008; Wolfers, 2015). Individuals from underrepresented groups may feel pressure to adjust their self-presentation in adherence to these norms so that they may access professional spaces and be conceived as a professional (Brown-Iannuzzi, Payne, & Trawalter, 2013; DiTomaso, 2015; Rivera, 2012).
The “effectiveness” of racial codeswitching in professional settings hinges on how well it is received by others. In other words, will observers of codeswitching perceive that these behavioral changes are necessary to exhibit professionalism in a workplace context? We use two experimental paradigms to capture how observers perceive the professionalism of Black employees who either codeswitch or do not codeswitch at work. Studies show that individuals are aware of (and generally dislike) inauthentic displays at work (Grandey, Houston III, & Avery, 2019; Groth, Hennig-Thurau, & Walsh, 2009; Moore et al., 2017), yet the race of the observer may also play a role in these evaluations (Houston III, Grandey, & Sawyer, 2018). Thus, we empirically test whether intragroup observers (e.g., Black people) evaluate specific racial codeswitching behaviors differently than intergroup observers (e.g., White people). Collectively, our work extends scholarship that incorporates a racial lens in impression management research (Dupree & Fiske, 2019; Swencionis, Dupree, & Fiske, 2017), ultimately deepening our understanding of Black people's experiences in social contexts.
Section snippets
Origins of racial codeswitching
Codeswitching as a concept emerged in linguistic studies to describe language fluency or the use of multiple languages within a single conversation (Barker, 1947; Weinreich, 1953). Cultural “frame-switching” further identifies the cognitive flexibility of individuals who adapt and shift their language and cognition based on their experiences living in multiple cultures (Benet-Martínez, Leu, Lee, & Morris, 2002; Cheng, Lee, & Sanchez-Burks, 2008; Haritatos & Benet-Martínez, 2002). Sociolinguists
Study 1 Method
We tested Hypothesis 1 using a between-subjects, vignette design. Our main stimuli consisted of a voicemail recording from a fictitious Black coworker at a hypothetical law firm. We manipulated whether the character in the vignette describes codeswitching or not codeswitching across three behaviors. Participants then evaluated the characters' behavior and perceived professionalism based on the voicemail. Black and White men evaluated the fictitious Black man coworker in Study 1a, and Black and
Study 1 Results
Means, standard deviations, and correlations for our primary variables are presented in Table 1. On average, Black men (M = 33.80, SD = 11.29) were younger than the White men (M = 41.86, SD = 12.52; Study 1a: t(141) = 4.05, p < .001, d = 0.68), and Black women reported a lower household income than White women (Study 1b: t(169) = 2.14, p = .03, d = 0.33). We therefore controlled for age and household income in our analyses.
To test our hypothesis, we implemented a 2 (participants' race: Black or
Study 1 Discussion
In Study 1, a significant main effect for racial codeswitching among men (Study 1a) and women (Study 1b) indicate that the codeswitching Black coworker was perceived as more professional than the non-codeswitching Black coworker. This finding is supported by prior work demonstrating that impression management strategies that reduce associations with stigmatized groups (e.g., Black racial identity) positively enhances how Black employees are perceived and evaluated in the workplace (Roberts, 2005
Study 2 Methods
The aim of Study 2 was to assess Black and White people's perceptions of racial codeswitching and professionalism. We used a similar methodology as Study 1, but replaced the voicemail recordings with a written email sent to participants by a fictitious Black coworker at a hypothetical law firm where the participant was recently hired. In the email, we manipulated whether a Black man (Study 2a) or a Black woman coworker (Study 2b) did or did not engage in racial codeswitching across three
Study 2 Results
Means, standard deviations, and correlations for our primary variables are presented in Table 2. On average, Black participants (Study 2a: M = 34.80, SD = 9.95; Study 2b: M = 37.09, SD = 10.75) were younger than the White participants (Study 2a: M = 39.19, SD = 11.71; Study 2b: M = 40.94; SD = 11.38; Study 2a: t(220) = 2.99, p = .003, d = 0.40; Study 2b: t(226) = 2.63, p = .01, d = 0.35), and Black women reported a lower household income than White women (Study 2b: t(226) = 4.37, p < .001, d
Study 2 Discussion
We found partial support for our hypotheses in this study. First, Black men and women perceived the non-codeswitching coworker as more professional than White men (Study 2a) and White women (Study 2b), supporting Hypothesis 1. However, in both studies, Black and White participants perceived that codeswitching was more professional than not codeswitching. These findings indicate that perceptions of professionalism differ between White and Black Americans when Black employees do not codeswitch,
General discussion
Our series of experiments test the perceptions of racial codeswitching as an impression management strategy for Black people to navigate professional work environments. Adjusting one's self-presentation to fit the norms, experiences, and attributes of the dominant group at work may help to foster similarity and positive evaluations from others, including being seen as a professional. Yet, engaging in this behavior could produce social and psychological costs to individuals. We examined how
Conclusion
Our research highlights how perceptions affect the “effectiveness” of a race-based impression management strategy. We found that Black and White participants differently evaluate whether racial codeswitching enhances perceptions of professionalism for Black employees. Furthermore, identifying specific ways that Black people may engage in racial codeswitch nuanced our results based on the observers' race. As Black employees and members of other marginalized groups seek to advance in
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This paper has been recommended for acceptance by Dr. Michael Kraus.