¹ This article uses the term Temeswar (Rom. Timişoara) for the city and Banat of Temeswar for the historical region.

² Joseph II's Erinnerung an seine Staatsbeamten (Hirtenbrief) from 13 Dec. 1783 is published in Kropatschek, Joseph, Handbuch aller unter der Regierung Kaiser Joseph II für die K.K. Erbländer ergangenen Verordnungen und Gesetze, vol. 5 (Vienna, 1786), 181–201Google Scholar. For the Pensionsnormale 1771 and 1781, see Schwabe, Vincenz, Das allgemeine österreichische Civil= Pensions- und Provisions-System (Vienna, 1844)Google Scholar, vii–xiii and xvii–xxii.

³ On Alimentationsprinzip, see Thiemer, Beate, Das Alimentationsprinzip. Erklärungsansätze seit den Anfängen einer finanzwissenschaftlichen Theoriebildung (Berlin, 1992)Google Scholar. On Berufsbeamtentum, see Wunder, Bernd, “Die Entstehung des modernen Staates und des Berufsbeamtentums in Deutschland im frühen 19. Jahrhundert,” Leviathan 2, no. 4 (1974): 459–78Google Scholar.

⁴ Regarding the history of the Banat as part of the Habsburg monarchy, see (among others) Costin Feneşan, Administrație și fiscalitate în Banatul imperial (1716−1778) [Administration and finance in the imperial Banat (1716–1778)] (Timișoara, 1997); Josef Kallbrunner, Das kaiserliche Banat. Einrichtung und Entwicklung des Banats bis 1739 (Munich, 1958); Henrike Mraz, “Die Einrichtung der kaiserlichen Verwaltung im Banat von Temesvár” (PhD diss., University of Vienna, 1984); and Sabine Jesner, “‘… ein taugliches Subjectum finden.’ Habsburgische Personalpolitik im neu eroberten Banat (1716–1718),” in Das Achtzehnte Jahrhundert und Österreich. Via Wien: Musik, Literatur und Aufklärungskultur im europäischen Austausch, ed. Franz M. Eybl (Bochum, 2017), 185–204.

⁵ The one exception is the Knesen, a group that functioned as support staff for the district administrators during the levy of taxes. For details, see Costin Feneșan, Cnezi și obercnezi în Banatul imperial 1716–1778 [Cnezi and Obercnezi in the imperial Banat 1716–1778] (Bucharest, 1996).

⁶ Christoph Kampmann and Ulrich Niggemann, eds., Sicherheit in der Frühen Neuzeit. Norm—Praxis—Repräsentation (Cologne, 2013). In terms of “social security,” see the introduction for the chapter by Gerd Schwerhoff, “Soziale Sicherheit in der Frühen Neuzeit? Zur Einführung in die Sektion,” in Sicherheit in der Frühen Neuzeit. Norm—Praxis—Repräsentation, eds. Christoph Kampmann and Ulrich Niggemann (Cologne, 2013), 465–70.

⁷ Franz-Xaver Kaufmann, Sicherheit als soziologisches und sozialpolitisches Problem. Untersuchungen zu einer Wertidee hochdifferenzierter Gesellschaften (Berlin, 2012), 91. Concerning the impact, meaning, and significance of security in history, see among others Werner Conze, “Sicherheit, Schutz,” in Geschichtliche Grundbegriffe. Historisches Lexikon zur politisch-sozialen Sprache in Deutschland, vol. 5, eds. Otto Brunner, Werner Conze, and Reinhart Koselleck (Stuttgart, 1984), 831–62; Christopher Daase, “Die Historisierung der Sicherheit. Anmerkungen zur historischen Sicherheitsforschung aus politikwissenschaftlicher Sicht,” Geschichte und Gesellschaft 38, no. 3 (2012): 387–405; Cornel Zwierlein and Rüdiger Graf, “The Production of ‘Human Security’ in Premodern and Contemporary History,” Historical Social Research 35, no. 4 (2010): 7–21; Cornel Zwierlein, “Sicherheitsgeschichte. Ein neues Feld der Geschichtswissenschaften,” Geschichte und Gesellschaft 38, no. 3 (2012): 365–86; Eckart Conze, “Sicherheit als Kultur. Überlegungen zu einer ‘modernen Politikgeschichte’ der Bundesrepublik Deutschland,” Vierteljahreshefte für Zeitgeschichte 3 (2005): 357–80; Karl H. Metz, Die Geschichte der sozialen Sicherheit (Stuttgart, 2008).

⁸ Wilhelm von Brünneck, Zur Geschichte und Dogmatik der Gnadenzeit (Stuttgart, 1905); Bernd Wunder, “Pfarrwitwenkassen und Beamtenwitwenanstalten vom 16.–19. Jahrhundert. Die Entstehung der staatlichen Hinterbliebenenversorgung in Deutschland,” Zeitschrift für historische Forschung 12 (1985): 429–98; Peter Jacob, Das Risiko der Witwenschaft in der Geschichte des deutschen Beamtenrechts bis 1933. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der sozialen Sicherung der nichtberufstätigen Ehefrau (Cologne, 1971); Michael Pölzl, “Der Witwenstand von fünf Kaiserinnen am Wiener Hof (1637–1750),” in Frühneuzeitforschung in der Habsburgermonarchie. Adel und Wiener Hof—Konfessionalisierung—Siebenbürgen, eds. Istvan Fazekas and Martin Scheutz (Vienna, 2013), 51–70; Tara Zahra, “‘Each nation only cares for its own’: Empire, Nation, and Child Welfare Activism in the Bohemian Lands, 1900–1918,” The American Historical Review 111, no. 5 (2006): 1378–1402; Stefan Andreas Moebus, “Die soziale Versorgung im badischen Heerwesen und ihre Politik 1771 bis 1848–53. Soziale Verpflichtung oder Staatspolitisches Kalkül?” (PhD diss., University of Heidelberg, 2011); and Tomáš Malý, “Salvation and Disciplining of Charity in 18th Century Southern Moravia,” in Time in the Age of Enlightenment—13th International Congress for Eighteenth-Century Studies/Le Temps des Lumières—XIIIe Congrès international d’étude du XVIIIe siècle/Zeit in der Aufklärung—13. Internationaler Kongress zur Erforschung des 18. J, ed. Wolfgang Schmale (Bochum, 2012), 119–35.

⁹ An exception is the pioneering contribution of Wunder, Bernd, “Die Institutionalisierung der Invaliden-, Alters- und Hinterbliebenenversorgung der Staatsbediensteten in Österreich (1748–1790),” Mitteilungen des Instituts für Österreichische Geschichtsforschung 92, nos. 3–4 (1984): 341–406CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁰ With reference to Eckart Conze, see Zwierlein, “Sicherheitsgeschichte,” 367, as well as Kampmann, Christoph and Niggemann, Ulrich, “Sicherheit in der Frühen Neuzeit. Zur Einführung,” in Sicherheit in der Frühen Neuzeit. Norm, Praxis, Repräsentation, eds. Kampmann, Christoph and Niggemann, Ulrich (Cologne, 2013), 12–28CrossRefGoogle Scholar, here 17. On the distinction between external and domestic security, see Zwierlein, Cornel and Graaf, Beatrice de, “Historicizing Security: Entering the Conspiracy Dispositive,” Historical Social Research 38, no. 1 (2013): 46–64Google Scholar, esp. 52–53.

¹¹ Petri, Anton Peter, Beiträge zur Geschichte des Heilwesens im Banat (Marquartstein, 1988), 42Google Scholar.

¹² Among others Hermann Guettler, “Die Wasserbauarbeiten im Banat von 1757–1779 und die Kultivierung und deutsche Besiedlung des Landes” (PhD diss., University of Vienna, 1936), 19.

¹³ See Olin, Timothy, “Cultivation an Orderly Society: Physical and Mental Landscapes on the Habsburg's Southern Frontiers,” Austrian History Yearbook 48 (2017): 159–72CrossRefGoogle Scholar; or Steiner, Stephan, Rückkehr unerwünscht. Deportationen in der Habsburgermonarchie der Frühen Neuzeit und ihr europäischer Kontext (Vienna, 2014), 125–41Google Scholar; O'Reilly, William, “Agenten, Werbung und Reisemodalitäten. Die Auswanderung ins Temescher Banat im 18. Jahrhundert,” in Migration nach Ost- und Südosteuropa vom 18. bis zum Beginn des 19. Jahrhunderts, eds. Beer, Mathias and Dahlmann, Dittmar (Stuttgart, 1999), 109–20Google Scholar; Wolf, Josef, “Ethnische Konflikte im Zuge der Besiedlung des Banats im 18. Jahrhundert. Zum Verhältnis von Einwanderung, staatlicher Raumorganisation und ethno-strukturellem Wandel,” in Migration nach Ost- und Südosteuropa vom 18. bis zum Beginn des 19. Jahrhunderts, eds. Beer, Mathias and Dahlmann, Dittmar (Stuttgart, 1999), 337–66Google Scholar. From the Romanian historiography, Aurel Ţintă, Colonizările Habsburgice în Banat 1716–1740 [The Habsburg colonization in the Banat 1716–1740] (Timișoara, 1972); Tafferner, Anton, Quellenbuch zur donauschwäbischen Geschichte, 4 vols. (Munich, 1974–82)Google Scholar; and Fata, Márta, Migration im kameralistischen Staat Josephs II. Theorie und Praxis der Ansiedlungspolitik in Ungarn, Siebenbürgen, Galizien und der Bukowina von 1768 bis 1790 (Münster, 2014)Google Scholar.

¹⁴ Gün, Ilknur, Schäfer, Gereon, and Groß, Dominik, “Medizinische Versorgung und Gesundheitsverhalten in den ‘donauschwäbischen’ Siedlungsgebieten Banat und Sathmar im vormaligen Ungarn (1700–1918),” in Medizingeschichte im Rheinland. Beiträge des “Rheinischen Kreises der Medizinhistoriker,” eds. Groß, Dominik and Karenberg, Axel (Kassel, 2009), 201–32Google Scholar, here 206–9; Werner Schimitschek, Malaria-Fleckfieber-Pest. Auswirkungen auf Kultur und Geschichte – Medizinische Fortschritte (Stuttgart, 1985), 24–25.

¹⁵ The German magistrate of the city Temeswar (municipal authority) was instructed to organize the cleaning of the streets and to maintain the sewers to improve the sanitary conditions within the city. See Mraz, “Einrichtung der kaiserlichen Verwaltung,” 234.

¹⁶ “daß zu Temesvar wegen des ungesunden Clymatis und andurch erfolgenden villfältigen Kranckheiten.” See OeStA (Österreichische Staatsarchiv/Austrian State Archives) FHKA (Finanz- und Hofkammerarchiv) NHK (Neue Hofkammer) ABA (Ältere Banater Akten), 26 Nov. 1750, fol. 166rv, 173rv; “muthmasslich wegen den fast durch gehends ausgewissene climate, so auch in der That besonders in entwichenen 1734 Jahr sehr vielen übel bekommen.” See OeStA FHKA NHK ABA, 7, Apr. 1735, fol. 274rv.

¹⁷ Protocol of the Neoacquistischen Subdelegation, 24 Oct. 1726, OeStA FHKA NHK ABA 4, fol. 416r–418r.

¹⁸ You can find the occupational groups under the names Chirurg and Doctor listed by Aldag, Edgar, Ortsfamilienbuch Temeschburg Stadt 1718–1861, vol. 5 (Buxtehude, 2014), 3737Google Scholar and 3739.

¹⁹ For comparison the reflections in the course of a replacement process of a medical position at MOL (Magyar Nemzeti Levéltár/Hungarian State Archives), E303, 2cs, A, 1729, fol. 1rv–5r.

²⁰ See chapter “Miscellania,” 23 Feb. 1722, by Layos Baróti, Adattár Délmagyarország XVIII. Századi tőrténetéhez, vol. 2 (Timişoara, 1900–1904), 473. For biographical notes in this paper, if not otherwise mentioned, see Petri, Anton Peter, Biographisches Lexikon des Banater Deutschtums (Marquartstein, 1992), 339Google Scholar.

²¹ Petri, Heilwesen, 181. Gün, Schäfer, and Groß, Medizinische Versorgung, 209.

²² Petri, Heilwesen, 563.

²³ Ibid., 536–37.

²⁴ For instance, the application of Administrative Council Samuel Franz von Rebentisch for recovering after a stroke in the year 1727. See OeStA FHKA NHK ABA 5, July 1727, fol. 10r–11r.

²⁵ “Weilen übrigens nach ausweiß des von dem Administrations Secretario Berg beygebrachten Attestata medici dessen Zustand also Beschaffen, das Er zu Erhollung seiner Gesundheit durch einen geschiklichen Chyrurgeum eine ganze operation und chor vorzunehmen habe, So wollen Wir demselben anmit gnädigst zustehen sich auf drey Monath anhero verfügen zu dörfen, Welch allerhöchste Verwilligung, ihr demnach Ihme Berg zu bedeuten habt gestalten.” For written confirmation from the Hofdeputation in Banaticis, Transylvanicis et Illyricis to the Landesadministration regarding a secretary named Berg to go for medical treatment to Vienna from 8 June 1753, see OeStA FHKA NHK ABA 38, June 1753, fol. 224v. For Berg's application, see OeStA FHKA NHK ABA 38, June 1753, fol. 225rv, 228rv and for the adhering medical certificate OeStA FHKA NHK ABA 38, June 1753, fol. 336rv.

²⁶ The German term Canzlist describes a historical job designation, which more or less was equated with the position as scribe in a chancery (chancery clerk).

²⁷ The Hofdeputation in Banaticis, Transylvanicis et Illyricis (Hofdeputation) was formed in 1747 as the collegial conference body, which was responsible for the Banat. Its predecessor was the Neoacquistische Subdelegation, until 1745, and between 1745 and 1747, the Hofkommission in Banaticis, Transylvanicis et Illyricis. See OeStA HHStA (Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv) LA (Länderabteilung) ÖA (Österreichische Akten) Österreich, Staat 1, 1–28, Umwandlung der bisherigen Hofkommission in Transilvanicis, Banaticis und Illyricis in eine Hof-Deputation und independentes Hof-Mittel, kaiserliches Dekret an Graf Ferdinand Krakowsky von Kollowrat, 18.07.1747. Letter of the Hofdeputation to the Landesadministration, 29 Dec. 1752. See OeStA FHKA NHK ABA 34, Dec. 1752, fol. 496rv.

²⁸ See the petition of the Commander of the fortress Temeswar Emanuel Lorenz Freiherr von Vogtern from 11 June 1748: “Nachdeme ich General feldt Wachtmeister v. Voghtern noch immerfort an meinen Blesuren Ville Beschwernussen Leyde und durch den Gebrauch deren Bädern alleinig einige Linderung anhoffen kann. Alß unterwinde mich Eüer Kayßer=Königl=Mayl: allunterthänigst zu bitten, mir in allerhöchsten Gnaden zu erlauben, womit ich mich auf einige Zeit nacher Mehadia begebe, und alldaselbst der BaadCur abwarthen dörffe.” Archived at OeStA FHKA NHK ABA 18, Apr. 1748, fol. 132r–133r.

²⁹ On the request from the district administrator in Lugosch (Lugoj) Georg Plasch, who applied for a health recovery at the spa in Mehadia, see Baróti, Adattár Délmagyarország XVIII., 144–45. For more details, see Schwarzott, Johann Georg, Die Hercules-Bäder bei Mehadia. Ein monographischer Versuch (Vienna, 1831)Google Scholar; Osann, Emil, Physikalisch-medicinische Darstellung der bekannten Heilquellen der vorzüglichsten Länder Europa's, vol. 2 (Berlin, 1841)Google Scholar; Klein, F., Die Herculesbäder nächst Mehadia. Monographischer Versuch (Vienna, 1858)Google Scholar; and, Stadler, Johann Michael, Versuche über die uralten römischen Herkulesbäder auf allerhöchste Verordnung (Vienna, 1776)Google Scholar.

³⁰ Regarding the stays of the Landesadministration in Recaș, see OeSta FHKA NHK ABA 24, June 1750, fol. 213r–214r; OeStA FHKA NHK ABA 27, June 1751, fol. 69r; OeStA FHKA NHK Besondere Banater Akten 245, fol. 160r; OeStA FHKA NHK Besondere Banater Akten 245, fol. 473r and FHKA NHK ABA 20, June 1749, fol. 37r–38r.

³¹ For the protocol of the Hofdeputation in Banaticis, Transylvanicis et Illyricis, 8 June 1751, see OeStA FHKA NHK Besondere Banater Akten 245, fol. 473rv.

³² According to the sum of applications for traveling, we can assume that office-bearers in the Banat had to stay at their job site.

³³ For comparison, the permit notice for Josef Ignaz Viechter Freiherr von Grueb to travel to Vienna at his own expense from 5 Dec. 1747: “Rath Baron Viechter zu Erhollung seiner vorigen Gesundheit auf den so anders Monat sich auf aigene Spesen ahero verfügen zudörfen die Erlaubnus gnädigst ertheilet haben, gegen denen jedannoch, daß, selber die erforderliche Amts:Disposition hinterlassen, und welche interim den anderten Administrations Rath Redecher mit beheriger Information in Ordine übergeben solle.” See MOL, E303, 5cs, A, 1747, fol. 671rv.

³⁴ Wunder, “Institutionalisierung,” 343–52; Cole, Laurence, Military Culture and Popular Patriotism in Late Imperial Austria (Oxford, 2014), 121–23CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³⁵ The partial exception is the leading staff, which had to be from the military.

³⁶ In particular, this was the case in the Austro-Turkish War from 1716–18 and that of 1737–39.

³⁷ More or less the whole military leadership of the Banat had gained experience during the Ottoman wars and consequently were familiar with the region. Regarding the background and career patterns of the subordinate civil staff, see the personnel description of the year 1740: OeStA FHKA AHK (Alte Hofkammer) HF U (Hoffinanz Ungarn) VUG (Vermischte Ungarische Gegenstände) 30B, fol. 971r–982v.

³⁸ Wunder, “Institutionalisierung,” 360.

³⁹ For an example concerning the daily work routine, including some explanations of the Landesadministration regard missing documents, see the report of accounting clerk Johann Paul Stätzer from 6 July 1750: “Es hat die K K Administration zu Temesvar in dem erstatteten Bericht A: Von dem Cassa Verwalter Uyvari seine schriftliche Entschuldigung beygelegt, das nembl. derselbe seine Cammeral haubt Cassa Rechnungen pro anno 1749 noch von darumben nicht zustand bringen können, Weillen Er in verwichenen Jahr den Gantzen Sommer Krankh und der Controlor Ströber alhier gewesen wäre, dermahlen auch schon in die Neunte Wochen mit Kopf Schmertzen behaftet seye, daß Er kaum seinen nahmen jezuweillen zu unterschreiben vermögete.” OeStA FHKA NHK ABA 24, July 1750, 133rv.

⁴⁰ This situation quite often evoked disagreements among the leading staff. See the comprehensive reflections about seating arrangements during sessions, including plans, in the year 1748: MOL, E303, 6cs, A, 1748: 200r–216r.

⁴¹ Wunder, “Institutionalisierung,” 360–62. With the Pensionsnormale of 26 Jan. 1771 all officers have been supported, if they were not able due to age and illness for the service anymore. See Wunder, “Institutionalisierung,” 362–63.

⁴² Wunder, “Institutionalisierung,” 369.

⁴³ Zwierzina, Robert, Die geschichtliche Entwicklung des Pensionssystems der österreichischen Staatsbediensteten (Vienna, 1912), 10Google Scholar.

⁴⁴ Robert Zwierzina stresses that the term pension exclusively was used for benefits of widows and orphans of state officials. See Zwierzina, Die geschichtliche Entwicklung des Pensionssystems, 7.

⁴⁵ Wunder, “Institutionalisierung,” 369.

⁴⁶ For instruction and information addressed to Ignaz Dismas Kempf Freiherr von Angret (1704–68), who functioned as commissioner in the Banat during the years 1753–54, see OeStA FHKA NHK BA Hofrat Kempfische Hofkommission 67, fol. 184rv, 187r–188r.

⁴⁷ Regarding the classification of salaries, see the Status Personalis of the year 1751. OeStA FHKA NHK ABA 28, July 1751, fol. 203r–223r. In addition to their administrative function, the military staff received a military fee.

⁴⁸ Concerning last wills, see the detailed study of Marionela Wolf, “Temeswarer Testamente aus dem frühen 18. Jahrhundert. Zum dokumentarischen Wert einer Quellengattung,” in Österreich und die Banater Schwaben, ed. Hand Dama (Vienna, 2006), 58–72.

⁴⁹ It is also worth noting the implementation of the Pensionsverzichtsrevers among military staff in 1777. This meant that a bride of a soldier had to sign a document (Pensionsverzichtsrevers) before the marriage that she waived any claims for pension. This was the case, for instance, if the payment of the compulsory Heiratskaution (marriage deposit) was not possible. The Heiratskaution functioned as an obligatory private provision among officers for a marriage that required the consent of the superior. That mechanism allows the state to reduce surviving spouses’ benefits. See Gerwin Müller, “Heiratsvorschriften und Heiratsverhalten im altösterreichischen Offizierskorps” (PhD diss., University of Vienna, 1980); and Hübler, Franz, Militar-Oekonomie-System der kaiserlichen königlichen Armee, vol. 16 (Vienna, 1822), 14–17Google Scholar.

⁵⁰ This is reflected, for instance, in the procedure in the case of Cameralactuar Leopold Heuthaler. See OeStA FHKA NHK ABA 5, Feb. 1729, fol. 3r, 7rv; OeStA FHKA NHK ABA 5, June 1729, fol. 11r–14r, 15v–19r, 21v in regard to the factor liability the procedure in the case of finance expert (Obereinnehmer) Johann Albert Eyserich von Eisenthal, in which his brother was held responsible for incorrect accounting. For the instructions addressed to the Landesadministration from 15 Feb. 1737, see OeStA FHKA NHK ABA 7, Feb. 1737, fol. 1175rv, 1178r for the process regarding Barbara Anna Frey in 1721. See MOL, E303, 1cs, A, 1721, fol. 4r–7r and MOL, E303, 1cs, A, 1721, fol. 129r–130v.

⁵¹ Wunder, “Institutionalisierung,” 361 and 380–81.

⁵² This term means the draft budget for the following year regarding the financing of staff matters (Status Personalis).

⁵³ Obersteiner, Gernot Peter, Theresianische Verwaltungsreformen im Herzogtum Steiermark. Die Repräsentation und Kammer (1749–1763) als neue Landesbehörde des aufgeklärten Absolutismus (Graz, 1993), 123Google Scholar.

⁵⁴ These cases included, for instance, the widows of Philipp Krapf and Thomas Johann Lederer. Both late husbands were Feldkriegs- und Administrationssekretär (secretary) in Temeswar. For the reflections about widow Eleonore Lederer by the competent authorities in Vienna, see “demüthigstes Anlangen des bey der Kayl. Temeswarer Administration gestandenen Kayl. Hof= und Feld= Kriegs= Secretary Thomas Lederer nachgelassener Wittib Eleonora, bewilliget worden, derselben in Ansehung gedacht ihrer Ehe Consortens langwierig geleisten Diensten dann ihres Mittel=losen Standes, die ihr zu dero, und ihrer Kinder benöthigten Subsistenz vormahls auf 3 Jahr lang bewilligte jährl. 300 fl abermahlen auf andere 3 Jahr lang, á tempore exspirati zu prolongieren, und verabfolgen zu lassen.” OeStA FHKA NHK ABA 10, June 1740, fol. 491r. Widow Krapf, however, was confronted with a reduction of her pension in 1751, which was awarded the first time in 1728, the year of her husband's death: “Solle vor des Hofs=Kriegs Secretari Krapf hinterlassenen Wittib zu folge des B. Engelshofen Berichts auf eine Pension zu 20 fl Monatl. à 1. Jan. einstehenden Jahrs anzurechnen um so mehr eingerathen werde, alß die Supplicantin bis Ao 1750 jährlich 400 fl Pension genossen, und bereits 70 Jahr ist.” For a comparison of the protocol of the Hofdeputation in Banaticis, Transylvanicis et Illyricis from 30 Mar. 1751, see OeStA FHKA NHK Besondere Banater Akten 245, fol. 374v–375r.

⁵⁵ See the Status Personalis of the year 1747 OeStA FHKA AHK HF U VUG 30 B, fol. 997r–1002r.

⁵⁶ Regarding the administrative procedure in 1749, the Banatische Militar= und Cameral= Haupt Systemal=Relation pro Anno 1749, see OeStA FHKA NHK ABA 21, Sept. 1749, fol. 752r–757r.

⁵⁷ Status Personalis of the year 1749. See OeStA FHKA NHK ABA 21, Sept. 1749, 255r–256v.

⁵⁸ Status Personalis of the year 1751. See OeStA FHKA NHK ABA 28, July 1751, fol. 199r–201v. The approved considerations about the support payments in 1749 are outlined under No. 30. “Adjuta, Pensionen, und Gnaden=Gelder” within the protocol of the Hofdeputation in Banaticis, Transylvanicis et Illyricis. See OeStA FHKA NHK ABA 21, Sept. 1749, fol. 222v–226v.

⁵⁹ The different handling can be explained by the fact that, for positions at the Court or other state positions, vacancies were easier to fill and double payments (Sterbquartal and salary for the successor) were seldom. Zwierzna, Die geschichtliche Entwicklung des Pensionssystems, 13–14.

⁶⁰ Kubiska-Scharl, Irene and Pölzl, Michael, “‘Formalisierte Gnade.’ Das Supplikationswesen am Wiener Hof im 18. Jahrhundert am Beispiel supplizierender Reichshofräte,” Beiträge zur Rechtsgeschichte Österreichs 2 (2015): 297–308CrossRefGoogle Scholar, here 301. Various petitions can be found at OeStA FHKA NHK ABA 21, Sept. 1749, 259r–261v.

⁶¹ Kubiska-Scharl and Pölzl, “Formalisierte Gnade,” 303–4.

⁶² Hofdeputation in Banaticis, Transylvanicis et Illyricis to the Landesadministration, 22 Nov. 1753. See OeStA FHKA NHK ABA 41, Nov. 1753. Fol. 178rv.

⁶³ A Concipist was responsible for the elaboration of concepts (Lat. conceptus and concipere), and an Actuar was a judicially trained official. For the death message, see OeStA FHKA NHK ABA 5, Feb. 1729, fol. 3r, 7rv.

⁶⁴ The Conductquartal is documented for the year 1635. See Zwierzina, Die geschichtliche Entwicklung des Pensionssystems, 14–15.

⁶⁵ For more information on the case of Heuthaler, see MOL, E303, 2cs, A, 1729, fol. 76r–83v and OeStA FHKA NHK ABA 5, June 1729, fol. 11r–21v.

⁶⁶ Aldag, Ortsfamilienbuch, vol. 4, 2667.

⁶⁷ See Report of Administrative Council Vogtern concerning the health of his colleague Rosendorf, which can be found in the Protocol of the Hofdeputation in Banaticis, Transylvanicis et Illyricis from 5 Nov. 1750. See OeStA FHKA NHK Besondere Banater Akten 245, 259v.

⁶⁸ Protocol of the Hofdeputation in Banaticis, Transylvanicis et Illyricis from 16 Feb. 1751. See OeStA FHKA NHK Besondere Banater Akten 245, 337r.

⁶⁹ Protocol of the Hofdeputation in Banaticis, Transylvanicis et Illyricis from 20 July 1751. See OeStA FHKA NHK ABA 28, July 1751, fol. 470r–471r.

⁷⁰ A list of benefits of the year 1757 can be looked up at OeStA FHKA NHK Jüngere Banater Akten (JBA) 119, fol. 16r–18r, 19v. This has to be seen in combination with a discussion about the reduction and modification of benefits, which were increased 1753 with the sum of 4,001 florins up to the sum of 14,614 florins per year in 1757. See OeStA FHKA NHK JBA 119, fol. 13rv, 15rv.

⁷¹ See OeStA FHKA NHK JBA 119, 403r as well as the confirmations of the school OeStA FHKA NHK JBA 119, 407r, 409r.

⁷² Borscheid, Peter, Geschichte des Alters 16.-18. Jahrhundert (Münster, 1987), 239–40Google Scholar.

⁷³ “schon bey solchen Jahren, das keines aus beeden durch anderweithige Verheurathung, den ferneren Lebens-unterhalt zu gewinnen, sich so leicht eine Hoffnung machen kan.” See the Banatische Militar= und Cameral= Haupt Systemal=Relation pro Anno 1749. OeStA FHKA NHK ABA 21, Sept. 1749, fol. 755v.

⁷⁴ Petri, Biographisches Lexikon, 1235.

⁷⁵ Court Chamber to the Bancalität, 28 June 1742, OeStA FHKA NHK ABA, June 1742, fol. 50rv.

⁷⁶ Johann Ferdinand Schubert died in 1736 in Orșova. He worked for the Landesadministration since 1724.

⁷⁷ Concerning the petition from Piacevics, see OeStA FHKA NHK ABA 21, Sept. 1749, fol. 257rv. For the Status Personalis of 1749, see OeStA FHKA NHK ABA 21, Sept. 1749, fol. 256v.

⁷⁸ This regulation was made more flexible by Maria Theresa with the aim to reduce the administrative effort. She released widows with a pension lower than 500 florins from this rule. See Zwierzina, Die geschichtliche Entwicklung des Pensionssystems, 8.

⁷⁹ As a report addressed to the emperor in 1720 revealed, “was massen ihme (Rebentisch) bey anhaltender grossen Theuerung und abhabenden schweren, weitläuffig mühsam, und gefährlichen Verrichtung mit denen zur jährlichen Besoldung ihme allergnädigst ausgesezten 1200fl zu Bestreitung deren pro decore officii et characteris erforderlichen ohnumgänglichen Ausgaben nicht auslangen könnte.” See OeStA FHKA NHK ABA 2/1, Mar. 1720, fol. 315r.

⁸⁰ The conflict among the two Administrative Councils Johann Jakob Benedikt von Neffzer (1705–85) and Johann Anton de Jean von Hansen (1686–1760) regarded the house of the former Administrative Council Samuel Franz von Rebentisch in 1734. Finally, the house was awarded to Neffzer, who, because he was responsible for the lucrative customs service, needed more space than his opponent de Jean did. The petition from Neffzer as well as the decision of the Neoacquistischen Subdelegation can be found at OeStA FHKA NHK ABA 7, Oct. 1734, fol. 147, 148r–149r.

⁸¹ For comparison, a colored map of the city in 1752 shows the distribution of houses among the civil and the military staff as well as the houses of the bourgeois. See OeStA KA (Kriegsarchiv) KPS (Karten- und Plansammlung) Glh O 667–06.

⁸² Report of the Landesadministration regarding the distribution and coordination of the accommodation of employees, 18 Dec. 1750. See OeStA FHKA NHK ABA 27, Jan. 1751, fol. 17r–18r.

⁸³ Hofdeputation in Banaticis, Transylvanicis et Illyricis to Landesadministration, 2 June 1752. See OeStA FHKA NHK ABA 31, May 1752, fol. 462rv, 496r.

⁸⁴ For the instruction of the Neoacquistischen Subdelegation to the Landesadministration regarding the supply of priests in the Banat, 12 Sept. 1741, see OeStA FHKA NHK ABA 11, Sept. 1741, fol. 58rv, 65r.

⁸⁵ Due to the complaints of Feldkriegskommisar Ohnsorg about the lack of proper housing in Dec. 1752, the Hofdeputation wrote immediately to the Landesadministration. As a result, it stipulated that Ohnsorg should receive an accommodation or, as an alternative solution, a benefit payment with the amount of 300 florins. In addition, the Hofdeputation demanded a coherent register about the distribution of civil and military houses from the Landesadministration and instructed the Landesadministration to summon a special meeting with the purpose of preventing further discrepancies at the expense of officials and their families. See the letter of complaint by Ohnsorg to his immediate superior authority the General Kriegs Kommissariat, 19 Dec. 1752. See OeStA FHKA NHK ABA 35, Jan. 1753, fol. 296rv; for the instruction of the Hofdeputation in Banaticis, Transylvanicis et Illyricis to the Landesadministration, 19 Jan. 1752, see OeStA FHKA NHK ABA 35, Jan. 1752, fol. 294rv. The maintenance costs for state buildings were mostly borne by the state if the formal criteria, which meant an application including a cost estimate, was met. An insight into the procedure is given by application of Matthäus Salbeck, who worked as an official for salt mining in Lippa in 1728. See OeStA FHKA NHK ABA 5, Oct. 1728, fol. 1r.

⁸⁶ Order of the Neoacquistischen Subdelegation to the Landesadministration, 26 Sept. 1740. See OeSTA FHKA NHK ABA 10, Sept. 1740, fol. 736r–737v, 748r as well as Note of the Neoacquistischen Subdelegation to the Landesadministration, 10 Feb. 1740. See OeStA FHKA NHK ABA 10, Feb. 1740, fol. 145rv.

⁸⁷ The list was about the Natural-Deputat, and according to the rubrics, all of provincial administrative bodies achieved: Frucht, Hartfutter, Kukuruz, Schwein, Heu und Holz (grain, corn, pig, hay, and wood). See OeStA FHKA NHK ABA 10, Sept. 1740, fol. 741r–744r.

⁸⁸ For the letter of the Landesadministration to the Neoacquistischen Subdelegation, 6 July 1740, see OeStA FHKA NHK ABA 10, Sept. 1740, fol. 738r–740v, 745r–746v.

⁸⁹ This is found, for example, in the remarks concerning the remuneration during the recruitment of new staff to support the judiciary in 1748. See MOL, 6cs, A, 1748, fol. 19r–20r.

⁹⁰ Concerning the bubonic plague, see von Hammer, Anton, Geschichte der Pest, die von 1738 bis 1740 im Temeswarer Banate herrschte. Ein aus glaubwürdigen Quellen geschöpfter Beitrag zur Geschichte dieses Landes (Timișoara, 1889)Google Scholar.

⁹¹ For more information, see Jesner, Sabine, “Personnel Management during Times of Crisis: The Austrian Banat and the Austro-Russian-Turkish War (1736–1739),” Istraživanja [Journal of Historical Researches] 27 (2016): 120–38Google Scholar.

⁹² There are some case studies concerning the procedure of wage garnishment, such as that of Administrative Council Peuger von Buige, which can be found at OeStA FHKA NHK ABA 31, May 1752, fol. 297r–305r. For details concerning the wage garnishment of Administrative Council Maximilian von Rosendorf, see OeStA FHKA NHK Besondere Banater Akten 245, fol. 275r and OeStA FHKA NHK ABA 20, Feb. 1749, fol. 13r–27r; and for the Salzeinnehmer Franz de la Pierre see OeStA FHKA NHK ABA 12, Aug. 1742, fol. 10.

⁹³ For the praxis of the Amtskaution in Hungary around the year 1718, see OeStA FHKA AHK HF U rote Nr. 504, Feb., fol. 133r–136v; see also the paper by Ammerer, Gerhard, “Funktionen, Finanzen und Fortschritt. Zur Regionalverwaltung im Spätabsolutismus am Beispiel des geistlichen Fürstentums Salzburg,” Mitteilungen der Gesellschaft für Salzburger Landeskunde 126 (1986): 161–66Google Scholar.

⁹⁴ The Provinzial- und Salzeinnehmer was the administrative position in the area of salt mining that was linked with responsibility for the cash (Rechnungsführer).

⁹⁵ For the letter of de Jean and the petition of Unger in 1736, see OeStA FHKA NHK ABA 7, Oct. 1736, fol. 1051r–1055v. The limited amount is listed in the Status Personalis of 1738. See OeStA FHKA NHK ABA 9, May 1738, fol. 284r. In 1764 the matter was picked up in a report to Maria Theresa. It was determined that among all civil servants (Rechnungsführer) in the Banat only three were in the position to post bail and, if the Viennese court would insist on the regulation, no qualified official could be employed. This statement was the decisive argument demanded by Maria Theresa for a bailment for prospective new appointments. See the report of the Landesadministration including the remark of Maria Theresa, 5 Feb. 1764, OeStA FHKA NHK JBA 126, fol. 1050rv, 1055rv.

⁹⁶ For example, the flat rate travel allowance for the Landkommissar Johann Markosch in Mar. 1720 was 150 florins for two years. See OeStA FHKA NHK ABA 6, Mar. 1731, fol. 560r. Administrative Council Samuel Franz von Rebentisch received supplementary payment for his extensive travels in the mining area. From 1720, this travel allowance was 300 florins a year. See the report to Charles VI in 1720, OeStA FHKA NHK ABA 2/1, 1719–20, fol. 315rv, 318r. Regarding the job-related additional payments, including the one-off commission payment of 100 florins for the administrator of barracks (Kasernenverwalter) Johann Joseph Prennestl, who was also responsible for the salt mining business in Cladova and Vodiza for five months, see the letter of the Landesadministration to the Neoacquistischen Subdelegation, 15 Nov. 1727, as well as the formal confirmation from 4 Jan. 1728, OeStA FHKA NHK ABA 5, Jan. 1728, fol. 3r. The temporary jobless phases are seen in the case from Johann Jacob Molitor, who received 100 florins as support payment “pro Charitativo” for unemployment. Protocol of the Neoacquistischen Subdelegation, 12 Jan. 1730, OeStA FHKA NHK ABA 6, Feb. 1730, fol. 52r–53v. About cases of medical urgencies, district administrator Wilhelm Saffran received 100 florins to pay his high medical expenses in 1735: “so bin alhier mit einer zweymahligen tödlichen Kranckheit über fahlen worden, welche durch 4 Wochen mich Bethlägerig gehalten, und an Doctor Barbierer, und Apothekhen mir grosse unkhosten verursachet hat.” See OeStA FHKA NHK ABA 7, Apr. 1735, fol. 267r–268rv.

⁹⁷ The discussion about the case Doborgaszi can found at OeStA FHKA NHK ABA 32, July 1752, fol. 360r–365r.

⁹⁸ For details, see the regulation addressed to the Landesadministration from 5 Oct. 1729. MOL, E303, 2cs, A, 1729, fol. 153r–154v.

⁹⁹ See for example, Heindl, Waltraud, Gehorsame Rebellen. Bürokratie und Beamte in Österreich 1780 bis 1848 (Vienna, 1991), 21–31Google Scholar and 144–59.

¹⁰⁰ Max Weber, Grundriss der Sozialökonomie. III. Abteilung. Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft (Tübingen, 1922), 650–78. For instance, the regular pay can be found in the Status Personalis, where every position is mentioned with the attendant salary and also had a budget planning information. Professional education became an employment criterion, which is verifiable by so-called letters of application as part of the recruiting procedure. In these letters, educational and professional experiences were described in detail. See for example, the application letter of Joh. Michael Waldtmüller. OeStA FHKA NHK ABA 3, fol. 174r–175r. See also the letter of Georg Wilhelm Hagen in 1728, see OeStA FHKA NHK ABA 5, Apr. 1728, fol. 17r–18r. The division of labor can be traced by the Intimationsdekret, an imperial decree, which was issued at the beginning of an appointment and included a role description, where hierarchies were documented. Like the Intimationsdecret of Maxentio Ströber, a copy of the decree of Ströber is stored at the MOL E 303 4cs A 1739, fol. 62r. Countless imperial instructions contained numerous directives about acting “according to the rules.” There are numerous hints of incorrect bookkeeping and mistakes, which were termed by the Viennese authorities as “Mängel” or “Supermängel.” See for instance, “Specification deren von denen Rechnungsführeren in Temesvar zu der Kayl. Hoffbuchhalterey zu erlge. ausständigen Rechnungserläuterungen und Super-erläuterungen,” from June 1729 as copy. MOL E303 2cs A 1729, fol. 84r–89v.

¹⁰¹ See Borscheid, Peter, “Der alte Mensch in der Vergangenheit,” in Alter und Altern. Ein interdisziplinärer Studientext zur Gerontologie, eds. Baltes, Paul B., Mittelstraß, Jürgen, and Staudinger, Ursula M. (Berlin, 1994), 35–61CrossRefGoogle Scholar, here 56–59. Concerning the development of work from a historical point of view, see the introduction in Ehmer, Josef and Lis, Catharina, eds., The Idea of Work in Europe from Antiquity to Modern Times (Farnham, 2010), 1–30Google Scholar.

¹⁰² Wunder, Bernd, “Die Einführung des staatlichen Pensionssystems in Frankreich (1760–1850),” Francia. Forschungen zur westeuropäischen Geschichte 11 (1983), 417–74Google Scholar, here 418, 421–24.