Watermelon production as the driver of community resilience: More-than-human agency and the transforming rural assemblage
Introduction
On July 27, 2016 the watermelon producers of Medgyesegyháza, Hungary gathered in a suburb of Budapest and besieged the parking lot of the multinational retailer Tesco, in order to protest against the rock bottom retail prices and the hectic market conditions. Mr Oravecz, the chairperson of the Watermelon Producers’ Association explained the media “in the long run farmers will give up unprofitable production and the watermelon producing community will cease” (Mikóczy 2016). Watermelon producers made great efforts to publicise their grievances on multiple occasions, in recent years sparking tensions between producers, traders, wholesale retailers, the government and the public following media reports.
The hardships faced by the major watermelon-producing community of Hungary, and the attempted community responses, resemble phenomena experienced worldwide across rural communities and agricultural industries in the era of globalization (Woods 2003). Transformation processes surrounding agricultural communities are one of the core topics of rural geography, often analysed in the frame of political economy or rural sociology. More recently these processes may also be studied in the context of ‘community resilience’ (e.g. Darnhofer et al., 2010; 2016; Skerratt 2013). This new strand of research channels results from a broad spectrum of works in order to better understand how communities are able to sustain their function, identity and remain viable in a broader sense. Relatively little is known about how such resilience thinking is different from earlier works on rural change, and on what basis may communities be considered resilient or not. Using an assemblage perspective, this paper aims to further examine the forces that actually take place within complex processes, that either make a community experience transformation or withstand change.
Recent work in rural geography (Scott 2013; Darnhofer et al., 2016) has started to question the suitability of traditional approaches to rural community resilience that either focus on social-ecological systems, or are engaged with the active agency of communities and their resources. While the first approach applies the rules of ecology to rurality, considering a system of components, other studies (e.g. Flora et al., 2004; Magis 2010; Amundsen 2012) engage with the questions of active agents, community networks, identity and values as community resources are utilized in response to change. In their recent work, Darnhofer et al. (2016) propose the application of relational approaches to dissolve this binary. However, it is currently widely accepted that community resilience is a process in which groups bound by agricultural practices, culture and identity are able to withstand certain changes, perhaps by transforming in other ways. In this sense, resilience can refer to a system where every transaction, movement flow of materials or information can be regarded as benign or malicious in moving – or building the capacity to move – in the right direction. This paper argues that the agency needed to stabilize or transform the community is much more precarious: resilience of a community is not always a product of intentional processes but also lies in everyday practices and human-non-human relationships. As such, this paper aims to focus on how rural community resilience can be placed on firmer ontological groundings by applying assemblage approaches. The main objective of this article is to test how the assemblage approach developed by DeLanda (2006) can help us rethink what resilience may mean in rural settings. In this sense the Hungarian watermelon farming community of Medgyesegyháza analysed in this paper is considered a territorialised more-than-human assemblage of family farm resulting from specific watermelon production practices. The proactive agency and daily practices involving non-humans are treated in the same manner: community wide coping strategies, grafting techniques, controversial marketing activities, or emotional attachment to watermelon farming all contribute to the resilience of the community in one way or the other. The paper sets out to examine how treating the community as such a ‘whole of interacting parts’ offers a joint framework to both ‘bounce-back’ and ‘transformative’ resilience. The next sections further review existing literature on resilience and establish the theoretical framework regarding community assemblages that will be applied in the empirical study in the second half of the paper.
Section snippets
Community resilience and the rural assemblage
The concept of resilience thinking received considerable attention within rural geography – a seemingly recent phenomenon. Although rural regions have always been hard-hit by crises such as the post-socialist regime shift of Eastern Europe, the post-2008 crisis happened simultaneously with environmental shifts, specifically climate change triggering the emergence of a new agenda (Scott 2013). While concepts such as rural change and persistence are widely discussed in fields such as community
Case study and methods
This study paper examines a case-study focusing on the watermelon producing community of Medgyesegyháza, Békés County, South-East Hungary (see Fig. 1.).
Although only rough estimates exist on the actual volume of watermelon produced and the number of people involved in farming, annual sales of watermelon seeds, Single Area Payment applications and productivity estimates give good indications of the location and size of the industry. On a national scale farmer outputs fluctuate around 150–200
Setting the scene: forces of territorialisation and coding
Addressing a watermelon-producing community from an assemblage perspective implies that it is composed of interacting components such as family farms, lands, watermelon and workers that simultaneously belong to different, dynamic assemblages. This overview subsumes how this specific multiplicity of watermelon-producers of Medgyesegyháza emerges in the confluence of, and is affected and territorialised by other, often more extensive assemblages.
Firstly, watermelon production is just a segment of
More-than-social agency and transformative resilience
The previous section introduced some of those territorialising and coding forces that homogenised the structure of the farming assemblage of Medgyesegyháza, rendering watermelon production viable in capitalist conditions and establishing a unique farming community. However, this set of concurrent territorialising forces remains imperfect and partial and cannot fully account for community resilience. This paper argues that territorialising forces linked to non-human agency may gain dominance
Re-territorialisation and the surprising human-plant entanglements
Despite this defined position the watermelon has gained in the assemblage, watermelon producers are frequently pictured in the news facing hardship due to low retail prices and natural disasters such as sudden hailstorms that cause great financial losses from year to year. Although farmers tend to blame the retail markets – as the quote in the beginning of the article points out –, there is no single cause, interpretation of or solution to the problem that leads to numerous families going
Conclusions: assembling rural community resilience
The central motivation of this paper was to further develop the existing debates on rural community resilience by drawing its existing theoretical framework into fruitful liaisons with relational approaches. This research focused on Deleuze and Guattari’s (1987) assemblage theory and its interpretation by DeLanda (2006) in particular and applied it to a watermelon producing community of Hungary. It examined how resilience is a phenomenon constantly reproduced by daily practices of agricultural
Author statement
The article has not been published previously, it is not under consideration for publication elsewhere, that its publication is approved by all authors and tacitly or explicitly by the responsible authorities where the work was carried out, and if accepted, it will not be published elsewhere in the same form, in English or in any other language, including electronically without the written consent of the copyright holder.
Acknowledgements
The author thanks Professor Michael Woods and Dr Jesse Heley for helpful discussions and the referees for the incisive comments. This work was supported by the Aberystwyth University Doctoral Career Development Scholarship.
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