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Between Autonomy and Central Control: A Tale of Two University Reforms in Turkey During the Single-Party Era

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Abstract

This article examines the causes and outcomes of two university reforms during the single-party era in Turkey (1923–1946), focusing on the implications of the reforms in terms of higher education governance models—the state-control and academic self-governance—that are ultimately characterized by the balance between the type and degree of central control and university autonomy. The paper argues that the degree of ideational controversy and institutional strength in the given policy field considerably affected the reform processes and outcomes, reconciling historical institutionalist assumptions with ideational institutional approaches. The process-tracing analysis shows that the university reform of 1933 was mainly triggered by the ideological and political dissidence between some of the academic staff and the ruling and intellectual elite who wanted to heavily control the university and ended up with the transition to a heavy state-control regime. The principal driving force behind the 1946 reform was to adapt the country to the changing external political conditions after the end of WWII, aiming to lend a democratic face to the regime, which, in combination with other factors such as the growing opposition from academic circles, led to the institutionalization of academic self-governance model.

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Notes

  1. This was the first Ottoman university established after several attempts during the nineteenth century (see, İhsanoğlu, 2019). Thus, the university, as an organizational form, was a latecomer to Turkish higher education, implanted into the system that had been dominated by two sets of institutions: madrasas that have their roots in the eleventh century and professional academies that have started to be founded in the mid-eighteenth century onwards. This institution, rebranded as the Istanbul University in 1933, was the only university until 1944. For that reason, the article directly focuses on it.

  2. I use the term radical to refer to both the abrupt character of change and the implications of it so that it encapsulates both temporality and substantiality. Exogenous explanations posit that institutions change through interaction with the environment or simply the external world that shakes the institutional order and stability mostly through sudden and large-scale events (e.g., wars, financial crises, or moments of socio-political instability). Endogenous accounts point out how processes taking place within institutions due to the relations between embedded actors produce either moderate or substantial change. Note that Table 1 is produced for heuristic purposes to present only the most expected/ideal-typical possibilities when the two dimensions—institutional strength and ideational controversy—are combined in different ways.

  3. By mechanism, I parsimoniously refer to processes in which actors and entities engage to bring about change from a scientific realist position (Bunge, 1997).

  4. This was an official pseudoscientific study of Turkish history, focusing on the ancient historical, linguistic, and ethnic origins of the Turks. It was seen crucial in building the secular Turkish identity and re-shaping its collective memory.

  5. Reşit Galip even drew an analogy between the Byzantine scholars who left the country after the conquest of Constantinople and the Jewish scholars who fled Germany after the Nazis came to power (Schwartz, 1995). Just as Byzantine scholars contributed to the emergence of the Renaissance in Europe, German scholars could have initiated a Turkish Renaissance. Another historical irony was that émigré scholars, who could be regarded as the very victims of Western modernity and progress from their own perspective, were seen by the Turkish side as the very agents of Western modernity, who would help Turkish reformers in implementing their civilizational transformation project aiming at reconfiguring the institutional and cultural spheres.

  6. This argument does not necessarily rule out the importance of internal factors. It is known that some members of the ruling party saw gradual democratization and liberalization necessary to relax the authoritarian control on society and give room to the emerging opposition in the civil society and among the business actors who were critical of statist policies (see, VanderLippe, 2005).

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Fındıklı, B. Between Autonomy and Central Control: A Tale of Two University Reforms in Turkey During the Single-Party Era. High Educ Policy 35, 855–872 (2022). https://doi.org/10.1057/s41307-021-00236-y

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