Research paper
Family science nights: Venues for developing cultural competence

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.tate.2021.103370Get rights and content

Highlights

  • Family involvement events are valuable clinical experiences for teacher education.

  • Recognizing personal deficit views about diverse families is critical to teachers.

  • Authentic interactions with diverse families seed counternarratives.

Abstract

Reports of educators’ deficit beliefs about culturally and linguistically diverse students and students with low socioeconomic status abound in the literature. Not surprisingly, deficit beliefs are postulated as the main barrier to the implementation of culturally relevant practices and the development of teachers’ cultural competence. This study explores how teacher preparation programs can leverage science nights to support the development of teacher candidates’ cultural competence. Findings indicate that science night experiences and critical reflection around them promoted teacher candidates’ cultural competence in different ways.

Introduction

A number of researchers report that educators often use deficit thinking to describe the ability, performance, and talent of culturally and linguistically diverse students and students with low socioeconomic status (Ford, Grantham, & Whiting, 2008; Harradine, Coleman, & Winn, 2014). Deficit thinking is grounded in perceived deficiencies inherent to children, families, groups, home environment, and communities. It includes assumptions about a lack of value for education, low levels of motivation, and commonly held ideas about meritocracy (DeCuir and Dixson, 2004; Roy & Roxas, 2011; Valencia, 1997). The resulting deficit practices, whether intentional or unconscious, perpetuate stereotypes and further marginalize minoritized individuals or groups (Roy & Roxas, 2011). Educators who operate within deficit models lower their expectations of students and do not critically examine their practices and the ways that they provide or deny access to learning (Ford & Grantham, 2003; Roy & Roxas, 2011; Walker, 2011).

Howard and Rodriguez-Minkoff (2017) posit that deficit beliefs are the “biggest obstacle” to the authentic enactment of culturally relevant and culturally responsive teaching (p. 24). Supporting educators’ cultural competence is one way to help educators to rethink deficit views about minoritized students and families. Cultural competence has been defined as the knowledge, skills, and dispositions to support marginalized and culturally diverse children and their families (Gay, 2010; Miller & Fuller, 2006; Suriel & Atwater, 2012). Culturally competent teachers understand and value the knowledge and ways of knowing that non-mainstream culture students bring to their classes, reject deficit thinking about them, use pedagogies to support their academic attainment; and acknowledge the importance of connecting the curriculum to students’ culture (Au, 2007; Gay, 2002b; Howard & Rodriguez-Minkoff, 2017; Ladson-Billings, 1995; Paris, 2012). Culturally competent teachers learn from observations and interactions with diverse children in their classrooms and their families, critically reflect on these experiences to create culturally and developmentally appropriate practices, maintain high expectations for all students, and continuously strive to enhance their ability to respond to the experiences of students.

This study explores how teacher preparation programs can leverage informal learning experiences to support the development of teacher candidates’ cultural competence to support economically disadvantaged students living in Appalachia, a student population that is scarcely discussed within the teacher education literature. Hess et al. (2018) argues that the construct of Appalachia extends beyond a shallow geographical definition. Heilman (2004) positions Appalachians as a subset of marginalized ethnic Whites who face similar issues that other culturally and linguistically diverse populations experience such as, “class stigma, discrimination due to language and dialect use, low educational attainment, under-representation in the curriculum, and negative stereotypes” (p. 70). Gay (2002a) states that both African Americans and Appalachians are often perceived to have low status dialects and linguistic deficiencies, which results in the wrongful questioning of both groups’ intellectual ability. While Appalachian students encounter several inequitable in and out of school experiences and “are often objects of scorn and contempt among teachers,” Heilman (2004) shares that Appalachian students are rarely discussed in multicultural education literature nor do teacher education programs adequately prepare preservice teachers to support equitable education outcomes for these students (p. 67). Addressing this gap in research, this study reports on how a teacher preparation program engaged in supporting teacher candidates’ cultural competency about Appalachian students and their families (we use the terms family and caregiver interchangeably throughout the manuscript). In what follows, we review research about educator’s deficit beliefs about culturally and economically diverse students and families, the strategies that have been used to disrupt deficit beliefs, and the authentic experiences that promise to nurture educators’ cultural competence.

Many researchers claim that the cultural, linguistic, and socioeconomic disparity between US students and teachers is the root cause of educators’ deficit beliefs (Ford et al., 2008; Jackson, Gibbons, & Sharpe, 2017; Roy & Roxas, 2011). U.S. demographic trends reveal increasing percentages of students who are immigrants, who are impacted by poverty, have diverse and complex family lives, and are racially and ethnically diverse (Addy, Engelhardt, & Skinner, 2013; Cherlin, 2010; Ingersoll, Merrill, Stuckey, & Collins, 2018; Walsh, 2012). Yet, the teaching force remains predominantly white, female, and middle class (Castro, 2010; Morrell, 2010). According to the U.S. Department of Education’s (2016) report on the state of racial diversity in educator preparation programs, 74% of teacher candidates were white, 9 percent black, 10 percent Hispanic, 2 percent Asian, and 1 percent American Indian or Alaska Native. Additionally, Ingersoll et al. (2018) report that over 76% of the teaching force is female.

Educators’ deficit beliefs are based on perceived inadequacies intrinsic to students, families, and communities (DeCuir & Dixson, 2004; Ford et al., 2008; Roy & Roxas, 2011). For example, Jackson et al. (2017) found that many teachers did not believe their urban students were capable of participating in rigorous mathematical activity. These teachers’ explanations for students’ difficulties relied in part on traits inherent to the students or perceived deficits in their families or communities. Cho and DeCastro-Ambrosetti (2006) reported that teacher candidates in their study attributed the academic performance of culturally and linguistically diverse students to the lack of value parents have for education, rather than school-based factors including lack of resources, structural racism, or underprepared teachers. These deficit views also extend to students and families in rural contexts. For example, in Azano and Stewart’s (2015) study exploring preservice teachers’ perceptions of preparedness to teach in a rural context, these researchers reported that preservice teachers held beliefs that their rural students lacked motivation and that families in rural communities were not involved in their children’s education. Similarly, Sherfinsky et al. (2020) reported that White preservice and practicing teachers in rural Appalachia held deficit beliefs about the children and families they worked with, in some cases viewing the White children they worked with as traumatized. Winter (2013) reported that even though almost all preservice teachers in her study were from Appalachia and rejected stereotypical views of Appalachian culture, the majority described the learning characteristics of their future Appalachian students in culturally deficient ways.

Miller (2018) argued that educators’ deficit beliefs are resistant to change and are often based on income and educational level. For example, he found that caregivers who were labeled as middle-class were perceived to provide better and more numerous educational experiences for their children. Participants in Miller’s study positioned low-income parents as lacking the knowledge and language to talk about their children’s learning and development, unless they had experience or a degree in education. This was in contrast to positioning higher income families as experts who can justify and actively select educational activities to intentionally support specific learning and development goals. Relatedly, Pit-ten et al. (2018) found that teachers held positive implicit attitudes toward the learning and social behaviors of students with highly educated parents. However, there was no difference in their explicit beliefs based on the educational level of the parents.

Deficit beliefs challenge educators’ abilities to advance the learning of students with diverse backgrounds (Ford & Grantham, 2003; Roy & Roxas, 2011; Walker, 2011). In a study of middle-grades teachers’ views of their students’ mathematical capabilities, Jackson et al. (2017) reported that teachers responded to students’ difficulties by lowering the cognitive demand of mathematical tasks rather than engaging them substantially in rigorous mathematical activity. Teachers in the study explained their actions by referring to their beliefs about students, parental involvement and deficits in the families, or deficits in the communities in which the students resided. As a result of their deficit beliefs, educators, including teacher candidates, often express fear of, anxiety about, and a lack of preparedness for working with students and families whose ethnic, cultural, and/or linguistic background is different from theirs (Cho & DeCastro-Ambrosetti, 2006; De Bruïne et al., 2014; Pettie, 2011).

Many researchers argue that deficit beliefs are reinforced in educator preparation programs (Carter Andrews et al., 2019, Carter Andrews et al., 2019; Darling-Hammond, 2010; Gay & Kirkland, 2003; Howard, 2010; Ladson-Billings, 2011; Milner, 2008, 2010). Mentor teachers and administrators of teacher candidates’ field experiences give them mixed messages about parents; the types of activities that parents, teachers, and schools can engage in; and what to expect from parental involvement (De Bruïne et al., 2014; Epstein, 1995; Fan & Chen, 2001; Hoover-Dempsey, Walker, Jones, & Reed, 2002). They often define parental involvement as unidimensional (volunteering in classrooms or participating in parent-teacher conferences) and unidirectional (initiated and directed by schools) rather than multifaceted and bi-directional. Kroeger and Lash (2011) bring attention to power dynamics in the interactions and relationships between school staff and parents that teacher candidates observe in their field experiences. For example, they state that mentor teachers position themselves as the experts –while parents are not–with parents participating in parental involvement activities to “listen to the authority of teachers” (p. 270). Ho and Cherng (2018) found teacher perceptions of parental involvement to vary by race/ethnicity and country of origin irrespective of parent self-reported involvement. They also reported that teachers were more likely to recommend students whose parents they perceived as highly involved for academic honors or advanced coursework than their peers with similar academic performance but whose parents they perceived to be less involved.

The persistent nature of educators’ deficit perspectives is attributed in part to educator preparation programs’ weak emphasis on equity, diversity, and justice. This weakness manifests in the often critiqued one-stop-shop multicultural course requirement (Milner, 2008); practices that prepare teachers for “a monoculture, a mythical, culturally homogeneous aggregation of students” (Bullock, 1997, p. 1025); and ineffective clinical components in which teacher candidates uncritically reflect on their experiences, ignore the social and historical contexts of the children they teach, and disregard the places in which their students and families live (Darling-Hammond, 2010; Gay & Kirkland, 2003; Howard, 2010; Milner, 2010). While the literature is full of reports describing the deficit mindsets of educators, several researchers caution teacher educators against harboring deficit beliefs about preservice teachers and essentializing their Whiteness (Lowenstein, 2009; McCarthy, 2003; Settlage, 2011). Settlage (2011) asserts the dangers of assuming that preservice teachers’ lack of experience in economically, ethnically and linguistically diverse settings makes them “damaged goods” (p. 1). He shares strength-based counterstories of White mainstream future teachers that position them as “works in progress” (p. 831).

Nonetheless, deficit mindsets described in the literature exist largely due to the disparity between teacher and student demographics. Researchers claim that educators’ beliefs and attitudes towards students and families who are different from their own are most likely influenced by their sociocultural backgrounds (De Bruïne et al., 2014). Not surprisingly, calls for diversifying the teaching force abound (Haddix, 2017). While the need for a more diverse population of teacher candidates is ever present (Carter Andrews, Brown, et al., 2019), Villegas (2007) reminds us, “[T]teachers who aim to make a difference in the lives of diverse students need the disposition to teach all learners equitably” (p. 372). Regardless of cultural congruence or mismatch between teachers and their students, it is incumbent upon educator preparation programs to help all teachers to examine their assumptions and biases that contribute to deficit thinking about diverse students.

Many educator preparation programs have taken important steps to develop a systemic and articulated focus on issues of equity, diversity and justice and to combat deficit thinking (Harrison et al., 2018; Abreo & Barker, 2013; Baldwin et al., Buchanan, & Rudisill, 2007; Enterline et al. Cochran-Smith, Ludlow, & Mitescu, 2008; McDonald & Zeichner, 2009; Nieto, 2000; Villegas, 2007). Consequently, several models for developing teachers’ cultural competence and combatting deficit thinking are provided in the literature (Harrison et al., 2018; Baldwin, Buchanan, & Rudisill, 2007; Enterline, Cochran-Smith, Ludlow, & Mitescu, 2008). Terrill and Mark (2000) suggest three approaches for increasing teacher candidates’ cultural knowledge and ability to use this knowledge to make their teaching relevant. First, teacher educators must design specific interventions that “model how to teach in ways that recognize and adjust to the cultural differences of school children” and occur in conjunction with opportunities for teacher educators and teacher candidates to explore and reflect on how knowledge is culturally bound (Terrill & Mark, 2000, p. 154). Second, programs must increase teacher candidates’ experiences with diverse youth. Third, teacher educators and teacher candidates must engage in cultural self-analysis as they explore and address their own cultural statuses, racial identities, and the impact these have on knowledge production and use. Van Sluys, Lewison, and Flint (2006) advocate the idea of disrupting the commonplace as a key component of their framework for developing cultural competence. They define this idea as a method of critiquing and probing everyday ways of seeing the world. Others propose reframing as a mechanism for disrupting deficit thinking (Molnar & Lindquist, 1989; Weiner, 2006). According to Molnar and Lindquist (1989), reframing consists of 4 phases: (1) Describe the problem behavior in neutral, observable terms, (2) Identify positive characteristics or contributions the individual makes, (3) Create a new, positive perspective on the individual—a frame that you can articulate in a short sentence, and (4) State the new frame to the person, act on it, and do not refer back to the previous frame.

Central to the above-described approaches is the importance of explicitly attending to teacher candidates’ existing beliefs, providing them with experiences in diverse settings, and intentionally engaging them in critical reflection about their beliefs and experiences (De Bruïne et al., 2014; Graue & Brown, 2003; Hornby & Lafaele, 2011; Howard, 2003; Souto-Manning & Swick, 2006). D’Haem and Griswold (2017) remind us that engaging teacher candidates in clinical experiences in culturally diverse settings is not enough to promote cultural competence. Educator preparation programs must include diversity, equity, and justice-oriented knowledge in the teacher education curriculum, provide teacher candidates opportunities to develop deeper connections between courses and field-based classrooms, and investigate the assets that students bring to the classroom (Baldwin et al., 2007; Enterline et al., 2008). Such equity and justice-oriented practices are not possible when teacher educators express doubts about their ability to support preservice-teachers’ developing understanding about families from different cultures (D’Haem & Griswold, 2017). Teacher educators must also participate in a process of cultural self-analysis and critical reflection to interrogate existing deficit perspectives and expand the knowledge and skills necessary to engage in sensitive conversations (Howard, 2003; Howard & Rodriguez-Minkoff, 2017). To this end, (Harrison et al., 2018) recommend intentionally creating spaces for teacher educators with diverse backgrounds and expertise to explore and negotiate their understanding of justice and equity-based pedagogies, discuss the successful approaches they take to enact them, and coordinate their deployment and use throughout teacher education programs and across institutional boundaries.

Teacher educators suggest that an explicit curricular focus on family school partnerships is necessary for disrupting deficit knowledge, beliefs, and attitudes about caregivers’ cultural backgrounds and parenting circumstances (De Bruïne et al., 2014; Graue & Brown, 2003; Hornby & Lafaele, 2011; Souto-Manning & Swick, 2006). Using a course explicitly designed to prepare teacher candidates to work with low-income and ethnically diverse families, Amatea, Cholewa, and Mixon (2012) were able to decrease teacher candidates’ stereotypical attitudes of families. Miller (2018) advocates moving “beyond theoretical conversation about families and into authentic activities aimed at building connections with families” (p. 145). Authentic activities are characterized by deep and prolonged interactions with parents in real or simulated settings, at school, in the community, and at home (Baum & Swick, 2008; Graue & Brown, 2003; Evans, 2013). Examples of authentic activities and interactions include parental involvement events (Sukhbaatar, 2018), home visits (Lin & Bates, 2010), family literacy programs (Figueroa, Suh, & Byrnes, 2015), and informal learning events (Mcdonald, 1997; Harlow, 2012; Valadez & Moineau, 2010).

Researchers report success in supporting preservice-teachers’ asset-based thinking about students, families, and their involvement in school when authentic activities of this nature have been used in educator preparation programs. Sukhbaatar (2018) found that parental involvement events contributed more to teacher candidates’ understanding about parental involvement and family patterns than any other teacher education requirement in their program. Teacher candidates in that study concluded that involvement in children’s schooling while simultaneously earning a living is a big challenge for single parents or for cases where both parents are working. Teacher candidates also showed increasing attitudes of compassion and empathy towards families with diverse backgrounds as a result of home visits (Lin & Bates, 2010). They sought additional information about the cultures of the families they visited, intended to invite families to class and integrate students’ culture into their curriculum, and provided opportunities for students to develop respect for all cultures. Participation in informal science events provided teacher candidates opportunities to interact with diverse individuals from the local community, learn about parents and families, and increased their confidence in their ability to interact with parents (McCollough & Ramirez, 2010; Mcdonald, 1997).

Based on the benefits of participating in authentic activities and interactions with families, these types of experiences should be mainstreamed in the educator preparation curriculum. However, few teacher candidates have opportunities to directly interact with parents (Evans, 2013) and, when they do, these interactions typically occur during the culminating student teaching experience (Sukhbaatar, 2018). Miller (2018) recommends using a range of family engagement projects and Sukhbaatar (2018) emphasizes the need for them to occur prior to the student teaching experience. Successful parental engagement projects promote authentic and meaningful relationships between educators, families, and community partners (Howard, 2010; Hyland, 2009; Milner, 2011). They offer teacher candidates opportunities to examine beliefs and attitudes toward families from diverse backgrounds, discuss norms for how these interactions can take place, and engage in critical reflection that analyzes how the activities privilege or preclude participation of families from diverse backgrounds (De Bruïne et al., 2014; Evans, 2013; Howard, 2003; Kroeger & Lash, 2011; Miller, 2018).

This research is grounded in sociocultural theories that situate learning in authentic activities and social, cultural, and historical contexts (Cole, 1996; Rogoff, 1990; Vygotsky, 1978; Wertsch, 1991). Historically, this perspective is rooted in Vygotsky’s (1978) work that highlights the interdependence between individual and social processes in learning and development. According to Vygotsky, internalization occurs when an individual, with their own knowledge and beliefs, participates in social interactions that are mediated by various tools and signs, including language (Wertsch, 1985). Social interactions occur with peers and more knowledgeable others in the context of activities that the learner is not yet capable of completing independently (Tharp & Gallomore, 1988; Vygotsky, 1978). Vygotsky’s construct of Zone of Proximal Development designates the set of activities that learners can complete with social support. As the learner engages in culturally meaningful activities within their zone of proximal development on the social plane (interactions among individuals), they internalize the support and, over time, they are capable of completing the activities on their own. Wood et al. (1976) introduced scaffolding as a metaphor to describe the support learners operating in the Zone of Proximal Development receive on the social plane. The metaphor highlights the temporary nature of the provided support and the end goal of developing learners’ abilities to operate without the scaffold (Collins, Brown, & Newman, 1989).

Rogoff (1990) and Lave and Wenger (1991) broadened the Vygostkian notion of participation to include apprenticeship and enculturation into particular cultural communities (e.g., scholarly disciplines such as science or professions such as teaching). Learning is viewed as situated, social, and distributed (Putnam & Borko, 2000). Learning is situated in culturally organized and authentic activities that are tied to specific contexts; the activity itself as well as the physical and social contexts of the activity are integral to what is learned (Browns et al., 1989; Lave & Wenger, 1991). Learning is social, highlighting the central role of interactions with individuals, in various discourse communities, to what and how individuals learn (Resnick, 1991). Over time, learners appropriate and use the knowledge, skills, ways of thinking, and dispositions necessary to participate in their particular community (Driver, Asoko, Leach, Mortimer, & Scott, 1994; Lave & Wenger, 1991). Finally, learning is distributed; it is shared by the learner, other individuals, and various physical and symbolic tools (Resnick, 1991).

From a teacher education perspective, teacher learning occurs in complex and situated activities; is socially mediated through discourse; and is distributed across the learner, other individuals, and various physical and symbolic tools (Putnam & Borko, 2000). Putnam and Borko emphasized the fruitfulness of mentored, authentic experiences in multiple settings (e.g., in and outside the classroom) for advancing different kinds of teacher learning. They also highlighted the importance of performance and pedagogical tools to enhance and transform teacher thinking and practice. In this study, sociocultural theories of learning inform our work as we examine how mentored reflection (pedagogical tool) on interactions with families and caregivers in the context of family science nights at schools located in rural Appalachia (situated authentic activities) mediate teacher candidate learning and views of families and caregivers of their students.

This study took place in the elementary education program of a large, rural, Midwestern university. Embracing a clinical model of educator preparation (American Association of Colleges for Teacher Education, 2018), the program includes sustained field experiences in diverse settings. Teacher candidates engage in an urban field experience during their sophomore year, complete a yearlong (2 days each week) junior-level clinical experience at partnering professional development schools (PDS), and engage in two semester-long professional internships in primary and pre-primary settings. Teacher candidates take foundation courses in human development, special education, and diversity; methods courses in reading, mathematics, science, social studies, and assessment; and capstone courses in curriculum, family, school, and community.

During the spring semester of the junior year, teacher candidates enroll in a science methods course that adopts an explicit and reflective approach to developing teacher candidates’ cultural competence through readings and course activities. They engage in analysis and discussion of cases that illustrate successes and challenges that teachers may experience as they enact principles of culturally relevant science teaching (Mensah, 2011) and funds of knowledge (González et al., 2005) to support student learning. The cases provide examples of asset-based educator beliefs and practices as well as ones that reflect stereotypical thinking, low expectations of students, and limit access to engagement in science. During these discussions, teacher candidates typically identify and applaud culturally responsive beliefs and practices, decry beliefs and practices that reflect deficit thinking and practices, distance themselves from stereotypical beliefs, and voice their intention to get to know each student individually to differentiate their instruction to meet individual students’ needs.

To provide elementary teacher candidates with much needed field-based opportunities to teach science, elementary faculty engaged them in the Science Night Project, which required teacher candidates to plan and facilitate science night events at three PDS schools: Woods Elementary, Hall Elementary, and Green Elementary (pseudonyms) (for more information, see (Dani, Hartman, & Helfrich, 2018). As shown in Table 1, the majority of students who attended the three schools identified as White, non-Hispanic. While all schools were located in the same county as Midwestern university, only Hall and Green Elementary were located within the same small city which had slightly greater racial diversity and more resources than the greater region. Conversely, the student population of Woods elementary more accurately mimicked the demographics of the entire county with a student population that was mostly White, Appalachian, and significantly impacted by food insecurity. A range of 56–90 families from each school community participated in the school science night event.

To critically engage teacher candidates’ thinking about science teaching and student learning, the Science Night Project positioned teacher candidates as participant observers who were tasked with supporting children’s science engagement at their stations, interacting with caregivers, and noting how children and caregivers interacted with them, each other, and station activities. Teacher candidates used their observations to complete the Science Night Project post-event reflection that was due one week after the completion of the event. The Science Night Project reflection asked teacher candidates to describe their science night experiences, analyze and evaluate their successes and challenges, and synthesize what they learned from engaging in the project. Teacher candidates’ science night experiences were critically discussed in the science methods course to connect their findings to implications for (science) teaching and learning.

Section snippets

Methods

This research used a collective case study design (Yin, 2009) that allowed us to examine one phenomenon using the experience of multiple individuals at three different school contexts in which a science night event occurs. Participants were 47 junior level elementary teacher candidates who were enrolled in two sections of a science methods course, completed the Science Night Project, and were engaged in a clinical experience as members of one of three PDS partnership cohorts: 17 at Woods

Discussion and implications

This research builds on and adds to the literature about teacher education programs and teacher educators engaged in the work of developing culturally competent teachers. The findings of this study indicate that the science night project supported teacher candidates’ cultural competence by creating a space for them to articulate and re-examine their deficit beliefs about families and caregivers. The Science Night Project facilitated teacher candidates’ ability to analyze and reflect on their

Conclusions

Intentionally designed and systematically infused parental involvement activities are necessary components of equity, diversity, and justice-oriented educator preparation programs. The science night project, an example of such activities, provided teacher candidates authentic opportunities to engage in meaningful interactions with families and caregivers in rural Appalachia. It promoted teacher candidates’ cultural competence by affording them a space to critically reflect on their experiences

Funding

This work was supported in part by the Gladys W. and David H. Patton College of Education at Ohio University.

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