Abstract
This paper deals with the relationship between regulatory compliance, bureaucratic corruption, lobbying and the industrial structure of a country. We show that lobbying and bureaucratic corruption can coexist at the macro level when we allow for heterogeneity in firm size. Countries with similar level of development are often characterized by very different industrial structures: we show the implications this has for the level of compliance, corruption and lobbying in that country. Welfare implications of our model point toward encouraging policies that support the small business sector of an economy and toward flexible regulatory policies meant to suppress regulation for small enough firms.
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Notes
Calculation by the Centre for Responsive Politics based on data from the Senate Office of Public Records. See http://wwww.opensecrets.org.
Modern research on the economics of corruption began with Rose-Ackerman (1975) and Rose-Ackerman (1978) and has attracted later the interest of a number of scholars; see e.g. Celimene et al. (2016), Cerqueti and Coppier (2009) and Cerqueti and Coppier (2011), D’Agostino et al. (2016), Enikolopov et al. (2018) and Lim (2019).
Following Dasgupta and Stiglitz (1980), we define industrial structure as the degree of concentration in an industry.
We consider that firm size is measured through its capital level.
European Commission, (2010 Fig. 4.11) finds that in public procurement tenders micro and small firms have less concern for “tenders evaluated fairly” than medium and large ones, who are likely to experiment “in full” the consequences of non compliance.
See https://ec.europa.eu/docsroom/documents/14808/attachments/1/translations/en/renditions/pdf.
Harstad and Svensson (2011) consider in their paper an infinite number of identical firms not allowing for heterogeneity. Differently, in our paper, studying heterogeneity across firms, gives us the opportunity to obtain new insights at the macro level for any given country.
In this figure we consider all OECD countries with high income: Austria, Belgium, Canada, Chile, Czech Republic, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Iceland, Ireland, Israel, Italy, Japan, Korea Republic, Luxembourg, Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, Portugal, Slovakia, Slovenia, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, United Kingdom, and United States. We do not consider the following countries that despite belonging to the OECD are classified as countries with a lower level of development (upper middle income): Colombia, Mexico, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Turkey, and Hungary. The corruption level is measured by the CPI (Corruption Perception Index) of Transparency International. The CPI Index measures the perception of corruption in the public sector and in politics in many countries around the world. It is based on the opinion of experts and assigns a rating ranging from 0, for countries that are perceived as very corrupt, to 100, for “clean” ones.
For a more detailed analysis on the bureaucrat’s behavior see also Cerqueti and Coppier (2013) who discuss the role of incentives for tax evasion for controllers open to bribery, and study the problem through a Bayesian game.
The presence of fixed and variable costs is in accord with the regulation on the emissions of polluting firms (see e.g. waste management activities).
See Sect. 4 for a discussion on this.
See for example the cases cited in
https://www.americanprogress.org/issues/economy/report/2014/05/02/88917/.
In our model, following Grossman and Helpman (1994), Bombardini (2008), Catola and D’Alessandro (2020), we consider that each lobbying firm operates through a political contribution to the government, which is structured as a contribution schedule. In other words, a situation arises in which the decision of whether to lobby and how much to contribute is made by individual firms which offer different contributions to the politician depending on the possible favorable regulatory change. Therefore, this literature highlights a close link between the size of the contribution paid to the politician and the extent of the expected benefit. In so doing, we consider that there is only one possible change in regulation (i.e., total elimination of the variable cost of compliance in our case) and therefore there is a single contribution offered by the firm to the politician of the take-it-or-leave-it type (see for example Harstad and Svensson 2011).
In fact, since lobbying is a legal activity, when the lobbying costs and those associated with bribing the bureaucrats are identical, it will be always preferred to bureaucratic corruption.
As we will see below in detail and as mentioned in the previous section, the value of \(p_j\) will depend also on the level of capital \(k_j\). By substituting such a value into (6), we will obtain a “universal”threshold for the capital which does not depend on j.
Notice that in our model we assume a unitary discount rate \(e^{-\delta t}\), with \(\delta =0\) for each t. This assumption slightly simplifies the treatment of the model and allows to gain more intuitive outcomes. However, it can be removed. The presence of a discount rate with \(\delta >0\) reduces the role played by future amounts. Formula (12) becomes
$$\begin{aligned} {\underline{\Pi }}_{NL}= (rk_j-ck_j-C_0)\sum _{t=0}^T e^{-\delta t} = (rk_j-ck_j-C_0)\frac{1-e^{-\delta (T+1)}}{1-e^{-\delta }}< (rk_j-ck_j-C_0)(T+1). \end{aligned}$$Also in the subsequent analysis, as in the expressions of \(p_j\) in (14) and \(k^{(0)}\) in (15), the term \((T+1)\) should be substituted with \(\frac{1-e^{-\delta (T+1)}}{1-e^{-\delta }}\). Thus, the outcome of the introduction of a discount rate smaller than one is that politicians obtain less from the lobbying activity, because the value of the contribution \(p_j\) and of the threshold \(k^{(0)}\) are reduced. Lobbying becomes cheaper as the term \(e^{-\delta }\) becomes smaller, and more firms have a capital large enough to engage in the lobbying activity.
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Appendix
Appendix
1.1 Proof of Proposition 3.1
Let us fix \(t=0,1,\dots , T\) and let \({\underline{\phi }}_\Delta (t)=\left( \phi _\Delta ^{(F)}(t),\phi _\Delta ^{(B)}(t)\right) \) be the vector of the differences in the expected payoffs between the case of agreement and disagreement regarding the bribe between the j-th firm and the bureaucrat, i.e.
where \({\mathbf {E}}\) indicates the expected value operator.
Follow the generalized Nash bargaining theory, the bribe of agreement comes out from:
i.e.:
The objective function in (20) is a reversed U-shaped function in b. Therefore, the first order condition leads to the bribe of agreement:
which is the unique bureaucratic equilibrium bribe in the last subgame.
1.2 Proof of Proposition 3.2
The game is solved by using backward induction, which enables the equilibria to be obtained. Fix a level of time \(t=0,1, \dots , T\).
- (3):
-
At stage three, the j-th firm negotiates the bribe if and only if:
$$\begin{aligned} {\mathbf {E}}[\pi ^{(F)}_{C}]-\pi ^{(F)}_{3,RC}>0. \end{aligned}$$(22)Condition (22) is verified when:
$$\begin{aligned} k_j>\frac{\lambda ^Bq}{(c+m)(1-q)}=:k^{(1)}. \end{aligned}$$(23) - (2):
-
Ascending the decision-making tree, at stage two the bureaucrat decides whether to ask for a bribe or not. The bureaucrat knows that if she/he asks for a bribe, then the bribe will be negotiated when \(k_j>k^{(1)}\), and refused otherwise.
-
(I)
If \(k_j>k^{(1)}\), then the bureaucrat asks for a bribe if and only if
$$\begin{aligned} {\mathbf {E}}[\pi ^{(B)}_{(C)}]-\pi ^{(B)}_{(2,RC)}>0, \end{aligned}$$(24)which is always verified.
-
(II)
If \(k_j \le k^{(1)}\), then the bureaucrat asks for a bribe if and only if
$$\begin{aligned} \pi ^{(B)}_{(3,RC)}-\pi ^{(B)}_{(2,RC)}>0, \end{aligned}$$(25)which is never verified.
- (1):
-
At stage one, the j-th firm must decide whether to comply with regulation or to bend the rule. To proceed, we need to observe the cases occurring in the previous stage.
-
(I)
If \(k_j>k^{(1)}\), then the j-th firm bends the rule if and only if
$$\begin{aligned} {\mathbf {E}}[\pi ^{(F)}_{(C)}]-\pi ^{(F)}_{(1,H)}>0, \end{aligned}$$(26)This condition is verified when:
$$\begin{aligned} k_j>\frac{\beta \lambda ^Bq}{\beta (1-q)c-m[1-\beta (1-q)]}=k^{(2)}. \end{aligned}$$(27) -
(II)
If \(k_j \le k^{(1)}\), then the j-th firm bends the rule if and only if
$$\begin{aligned} \pi ^{(F)}_{(3,RC)}-\pi ^{(F)}_{(1,H)}>0, \end{aligned}$$(28)which is never verified.
It is easy to check that \(k^{(1)}< k^{(2)}\). This completes the proof.
1.3 Some Remarks on the Presence of Free-Riding Opportunities
This section is devoted to the discussion of the case in which the lobbying activity is not only in favor of the firms implementing it, but it offers also free-riding opportunities to the other firms.
Proposition 3.2 states that each firm j satisfying \(k_j\ge k^{(0)}\) engages in lobbying. Now, assume that there exists at least one firm engaging in lobbying – i.e., satisfying the related condition on the capital. Moreover, let us hypothesize that the gains from the lobbying activity are enjoyed also by a generic firm j having \(k_j< k^{(0)}\) by adding a free-riding parameter \(\gamma \in (0,1)\), so that the variable cost of compliance paid by j is \(\gamma ck_j\), instead of \(ck_j\).
The presence of the free-riding parameter \(\gamma \) does not imply any additional complexity in the mathematical solution of the model. However, the economic content of the obtained outcomes is particularly relevant.
First of all, in the presence of free riding, the threshold \(k^{(2)}\) in (16) becomes
According to (29), the threshold \( k^{(2)}(\gamma )\) decreases with respect to \(\gamma \). Therefore, cases (I.A) and (I.B) in Proposition 3.2 assure that a high value of \(\gamma \)-which is associated to a small effect of free-riding, with a large part of variable costs paid by the non-lobbying firms -implies that firms are more likely involved in bureaucratic corruption. This outcome is in line with the economic decision to engage in bureaucratic corruption or, alternatively, of not bending the rule.
Interestingly, we notice that the presence of the free-riding parameter leads also to a new formulation of the bribe \(b_j^{NB}\) in (11), as follows:
The bribe \(b_j^{NB}(\gamma )\) now increases with respect to \(\gamma \); thus, we find that has the free-riding become stronger—i.e., as \(\gamma \) declines—the equilibrium bribe declines too. Firms are, therefore, less ready to pay bribes for corrupting bureaucrats when there is the interesting alternative of a meaningful free-riding from the lobbying activity.
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Cerqueti, R., Coppier, R. & Piga, G. Bribes, Lobbying and Industrial Structure. Ital Econ J 7, 439–460 (2021). https://doi.org/10.1007/s40797-021-00150-7
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s40797-021-00150-7