Hostname: page-component-8448b6f56d-c4f8m Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-04-19T23:38:27.589Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Friends of Ireland: early O’Connellism in Lower Canada

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  04 July 2016

Shane Lynn*
Affiliation:
University of Toronto
*
*Department of History, University of Toronto, shane.lynn@mail.utoronto.ca

Abstract

In September 1828, societies of the ‘Friends of Ireland’ were founded throughout the United States and British North America for the purpose of raising funds and disseminating propaganda in support of the O’Connellite campaign for Catholic emancipation. In March 1831, the societies were briefly revived to agitate for repeal of the Union. The first Irish diasporic social movement to appear in Britain’s overseas empire, the British North American Friends of Ireland enjoyed greatest support in French-speaking Lower Canada, where for a time sympathetic local patriotes perceived a common cause with their new Irish neighbours. This article explores the transatlantic reciprocal interactions, cross-ethnic alliances and regional distinctions which characterised early O’Connellism in Lower Canada. It follows its initial successes to its virtual collapse in the early 1830s, as an increasingly polarised Lower Canada slid towards rebellion. Comparisons are employed with similar agitation elsewhere in British North America, in the United States, and in Ireland. It is argued that instrumentalist explanations for Irish diasporic nationalism, typically drawn from studies of post-famine Irish-America, do not convincingly account for the appearance and form of O’Connellite nationalism in British North America.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
© Irish Historical Studies Publications Ltd 

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 Geoghegan, Patrick, King Dan: the rise of Daniel O’Connell, 1775–1829 (Dublin, 2008), pp 262263Google Scholar, 266.

2 Reynolds, James, The Catholic emancipation crisis in Ireland, 1823–29 (New Haven, 1954), pp 6061Google Scholar.

3 See, for example, ibid.; O’Ferrall, Fergus, Catholic emancipation: Daniel O’Connell and the birth of Irish democracy, 1820–30 (Dublin, 1985)Google Scholar; Hinde, Wendy, Catholic emancipation: a shake to men’s minds (Padstow, 1992)Google Scholar; MacDonagh, Oliver, The emancipist: Daniel O’Connell, 1830–47 (New York, 1989)Google Scholar; Kingon, Suzanne T., ‘Ulster opposition to Catholic emancipation, 1828–9’ in Irish Historical Studies, xxxiv, no. 134 (Nov. 2004), pp 137155CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Owens, Gary, ‘“A moral insurrection”: faction fighters, public demonstrations and the O’Connellite campaign, 1828’ in I.H.S., xxx, no. 120 (Nov. 1997), pp 513541Google Scholar.

4 Moriarty, Thomas F., ‘The Irish-American response to Catholic emancipation’ in Cath. Hist. Rev., lxvi, no. 3 (July 1980), pp 353373Google Scholar. Other historians have touched on their existence. For the United States, see Potter, George, To the golden door: the story of the Irish in Ireland and America (Boston, 1960), pp 207214Google Scholar; Funchion, Michael F. (ed.), Irish-American voluntary organizations (Westport, Conn., 1983), pp 116119Google Scholar; Wilson, David A., United Irishmen, United States: immigrant radicals in the early republic (Ithaca, 1998), pp 167170Google Scholar. For Canada, see Corcoran, Brandon S. and Smith, Laura J., ‘Bishop Macdonell and the Friends of Ireland: mixing politics and religion in Upper Canada’ in C.C.H.A.[Canadian Catholic Historical Association] Historical Studies, lxxix (2013), pp 723Google Scholar; Haslam, Mary, ‘Ireland and Quebec 1822–1839: rapprochement and ambiguity’ in Canadian Journal of Irish Studies, xxxiii, no. 1 (Spring, 2007), pp 7581CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Jackson, James, ‘The radicalisation of the Montreal Irish: the role of “The Vindicator”’ in Canadian Journal of Irish Studies, xxxi, no. 1 (Spring, 2005) pp 9097CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at p. 91; Verney, Jack, Edmund Bailey O’Callaghan: the making and unmaking of a rebel (Ottawa, 1994), pp 3638Google Scholar; Olson, Sherry and Thornton, Patricia, ‘The challenge of the Irish Catholic community in nineteenth-century Montreal’ in Histoire sociale/Social History, xxxv, no. 70 (2002), pp 331362Google Scholar, at pp 342–4; Finnegan, Mary, ‘Irish–French relations in Lower Canada’ in C.C.H.A. Historical Studies, lii (1985), pp 3549Google Scholar, at pp 39–42.

5 Grace, Robert J., ‘A demographic and social profile of Quebec City’s Irish populations, 1842–1861’ in Journal of American Ethnic History, xxiii, no. 1 (Fall, 2003), pp 5584Google Scholar, at p. 62; idem, ‘Irish immigration and settlement in a Catholic city: Quebec, 1842–61’ in Canadian Historical Review, lxxxiv, no. 2 (June 2003), pp 217–52; De Brou, David, ‘The rose, the shamrock and the cabbage: the battle for Irish voters in Upper-Town Quebec, 1827–1836’ in Histoire sociale/Social History, xxiv, no. 48 (Nov. 1991), pp 305334Google Scholar.

6 The words are T. P. O’Connor’s. See Fitzpatrick, David, ‘A curious middle place: the Irish in Britain, 1871–1921’ in Roger Swift and Sheridan Gilley (eds), The Irish in Britain, 1815–1939 (London, 1989), pp 1059Google Scholar, at p. 46.

7 Olson, Sherry and Thornton, Patricia, Peopling the North American city: Montreal 1840–1900 (Montreal & Kingston, 2011), p. 83Google Scholar.

8 Irish Vindicator and Canada General Advertiser, 12 May 1829.

9 Kenny, Kevin, ‘Diaspora and comparison: the global Irish as a case study’ in Journal of American History, xc, no. 1 (June 2003), pp 134162CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at p. 135. The approach taken here has also been informed by Delaney, Enda, ‘Directions in historiography: our island story? Towards a transnational history of late modern Ireland’ in I.H.S., xxxvii, no. 148 (Nov. 2011), pp 599621Google Scholar; English, Richard, ‘Directions in historiography: history and Irish nationalism’ in I.H.S., xxxvii, no. 147 (May 2011), pp 447460Google Scholar; Akenson, Donald Harman, The Irish diaspora: a primer (Toronto, 1993), pp 314Google Scholar; and idem, ‘Stepping back and looking around’, in David A. Wilson (ed.), Irish nationalism in Canada, (Montreal & Kingston, 2009) pp 178–88.

10 On Orangeism see Eliot, Bruce, Irish migrants in the Canadas: a new approach (Kingston, Ont., 1988), pp 6, 125126Google Scholar, 150, 291, 333n.16. On the United Irishmen see Wilson, United Irishmen, United States.

11 Vindicator, 10 Feb., 10 Mar., 1 May 1829.

12 For an up-to-date discussion of the idea of ‘Greater Ireland’ see Barr, Colin and Carey, Hilary M., ‘Introduction: religion and Greater Ireland’ in idem (eds), Religion and Greater Ireland: Christianity and Irish global networks, 1750–1950 (Montreal & Kingston, 2015), pp 329Google Scholar.

13 For a famous instrumentalist approach see Brown, Thomas N., Irish-American nationalism, 1870–1890 (New York, 1966), p. 23Google Scholar. On class and nationalism see Foner, Eric, ‘Class, ethnicity and radicalism in the Gilded Age: the Land League in Irish-America’ in idem (ed.), Politics and ideology in the age of the Civil War (New York, 1980), pp 150200Google Scholar. On trauma see Miller, Kerby A., Emigrants and exiles: Ireland and the Irish exodus to North America (Oxford, 1985), pp 544546Google Scholar. On clerical instrumentalism, see Fielding, Steven, Class and ethnicity: Irish Catholics in England, 1880–1939 (Buckingham, 1993), p. 78Google Scholar, and Davis, Richard P., Irish issues in New Zealand politics, 1868–1922 (Dunedin, 1974), pp 204205Google Scholar.

14 On nationalism in diasporic cultures see Jacobson, Matthew Frye, Special sorrows: the diasporic imagination of Irish, Polish, and Jewish immigrants in the United States (Cambridge, Mass., 1995)Google Scholar.

15 O’Sullivan, Michael, Morrough, R. L., James Brown, William Johnson, and William Ryan, Rules and regulations of the Montreal Hibernian Benevolent Society (Montreal, 1825)Google Scholar; Canadian Spectator, 21 Feb., 20 Mar. 1824.

16 Canadian Spectator, 20 Mar. 1824.

17 Ibid., 19 Mar. 1825.

18 Ibid., 18 Mar. 1826.

19 Montreal Herald, 22 Mar. 1826.

20 Canadian Spectator, 25 Mar. 1826.

21 The Bill would give equal representation to Upper and Lower Canada in a united parliament, despite the population of the Upper province being much smaller. The barely-masked intention of the Bill’s proponents was to ensure a built-in majority of English-speaking representatives in all future colonial assemblies. Determined opposition from Lower Canada saw the proposals scrapped, but union along similar lines was eventually imposed by Westminster in 1840 following the failed rebellions of 1837–8.

22 Lamonde, Yvan, The social history of ideas in Quebec, 1760–1896, translated by Phyllis Aronoff and Howard Scott (Montreal, 2013), pp 7074Google Scholar, 164–9; La Minerve, 4 June, 16 July, 6 Aug. 1827.

23 Lamonde, Social history of ideas in Quebec, p. 165.

24 For an excellent study of the patriote movement, see Greer, Allan, The patriots and the people: the Rebellion of 1837 in rural Lower Canada (Toronto, 1993)Google Scholar.

25 Ibid., p. 134; Manning, Helen Taft, The revolt of French Canada, 1800–1835: a chapter in the history of the British Commonwealth (London, 1962), p. 205Google Scholar.

26 Vindicator, 25 Nov. 1834.

27 Jackson, ‘Montreal Irish’, pp 90–1; Verney, O’Callaghan, pp 47–8; Canadian Spectator, 3, 6, 10, 17 Dec. 1829; Vindicator, 19 July, 2 Aug. 1831; Waterston, Elizabeth, ‘Waller, Jocelyn’ in Dictionary of Canadian Biography, vi, 1821 to 1835 (Toronto, 1987), pp 801802Google Scholar. Though subscriptions were raised, no monument was ever erected.

28 Galarneau, France, ‘Tracey, Daniel’, Dictionary of Canadian Biography, vi, 783784Google Scholar; Mullally, Emmett J., ‘Dr Daniel Tracey, a pioneer worker for responsible government in Canada’ in Canadian Catholic Historical Association Sessions Report (1934–5)Google Scholar; Finnegan, ‘Irish–French relations in Lower Canada’, p. 38.

29 Poll Book for the 1827 Election, West Ward, Montreal (Bibliothèque et Archives nationales du Québec, 06M/TL19/S41/D23).

30 Potter, Golden door, pp 207–11; Moriarty, ‘Irish-American response’, pp 355–60. In the intervening years, sympathetic societies were formed in certain cities, notably Boston and Philadelphia, but the movement did not take off until the aftermath of the Clare election.

31 Vindicator, 10 Feb., 10 Mar., 1 May 1829.

32 Canadian Spectator, 20 Sept. 1828.

33 Ibid.

34 Spectator, 18 Oct. 1828, Vindicator, 2, 27 Jan., 20 Feb. 1829, Dublin Evening Post[hereafter D.E.P.], 24 Dec. 1828, 17, 29 Jan. 1829. The precise extent to which sympathisers in Newfoundland were organised remains unclear. At the very least a committee tasked with collecting the Catholic rent was established there by John Cusack, Pat Shelly and Maurice Phelan. The sum of £53 1s. 7d., accompanied by a letter and a list of subscribers, was sent to the Catholic Association. Whether its contributors gathered as a society like those elsewhere in the colonies, or as something less formal, is not specified in either the Newfoundland, Canadian or Irish newspaper reports.

35 For lists of members’ names, see Vindicator, 17 Feb., 20 Mar., 12 May 1829. For more on the petition, see Spectator 19, 22, 29 Nov. 1828; Vindicator, 23, 26, 30 Dec. 1828, 2, 9, 16, 27 Jan., 3, 24 Feb., 20 Mar., 1 May 1829.

36 Jackson, ‘Montreal Irish’, p. 96. Then-editor Edmund Bailey O’Callaghan was a friend and ardent supporter of Papineau, whose patriotes were sliding toward rebellion.

37 Spectator, 4, 8, 18 Oct. 1828; Vindicator, 20 Feb., 13, 17 Mar., 22 May 1829; D.E.P., 24 Dec. 1828, 17 Jan. 1829.

38 Reynolds, Catholic emancipation crisis, p. 62; Moriarty, ‘Irish-American Response’, p. 372; O’Ferrall, Catholic emancipation, p. 317.

39 ‘Finance Committee 1829’ (Dublin Diocesan Archives, Catholic Association Papers, 56/1/II) contains no mention of sums received from British North America, nor does the D.E.P. in 1829. Reports in the Vindicator do not give a clear indication as to when exactly any sum was remitted.

40 Committee member Stephen Coppinger, D.E.P., 18 Dec. 1828.

41 Daniel O’Connell, D.E.P., 24 Dec. 1828.

42 D.E.P., 17 Jan. 1829.

43 Vindicator, 24 Mar. 1829.

44 D.E.P., 17 Jan. 1829.

45 Ibid.; Morgan, R. J., ‘Kavanagh, Laurence’ in Dictionary of Canadian Biography, vi, 370371Google Scholar.

46 D.E.P., 17, 29 Jan. 1829, Vindicator, 24 Mar. 1829. For more on Patrick Morris and Newfoundland politics, see Mannion, John, ‘Morris, Patrick’ in Dictionary of Canadian Biography, vii, 1836 to 1850, 626634Google Scholar; Thomsen, Robert Chr., ‘Democracy, sectarianism and denomi(-)nationalism: the Irish in Newfoundland’ in Nordic Irish Studies, iv (2005), pp 1327Google Scholar. On early nineteenth-century Irish settlement in Newfoundland, see Mannion, John, ‘Old World antecedents, New World adaptations: Inistioge (Co. Kilkenny) immigrants in Newfoundland’ in Thomas P. Power (ed.), The Irish in Atlantic Canada, 1780–1900 (Fredericton, 1991), pp 3095Google Scholar.

47 Vindicator, 24 Mar. 1829.

48 Vindicator, 17 Apr. 1829.

49 D.E.P., 8, 17 Jan. 1829.

50 Blake, Anthony Richard, Thoughts upon the Catholic Question by an Irish Roman Catholic (London, 1828), pp 3134Google Scholar.

51 Ibid., pp 34–5.

52 Vindicator, 17 Apr. 1829.

53 Ibid., 17 Feb., 20 Mar., 12 May 1829.

54A La Trés-Excellente Majesté du Roi’, date unknown (Library and Archives Canada, Renée-Joseph Kimber fonds, MG24–B28, pp 1–10).

55 Vindicator, 23 Dec. 1828, 27 Feb. 1829.

56 Spectator, 25 Oct. 1828.

57 Vindicator, 6 Mar. 1829.

58 Vindicator, 19 Dec. 1828. Vallieres was a member of Quebec City’s Friends of Ireland. He also drafted that society’s petition to the king.

59 Vindicator, 12 May 1829.

60 See Slattery, Maureen, ‘Irish radicalism and the Roman Catholic church in Quebec and Ireland, 1833–34: O’Callaghan and O’Connell compared’ in C.C.H.A. Historical Studies, lxiii (1997), pp 2958Google Scholar; Stevenson, Garth, Parallel paths: the development of nationalism in Ireland and Quebec (Montreal, 2006), pp 54Google Scholar, 84.

61 See O’Ferrall, Fergus, ‘“The only lever ...?” The Catholic priest in Irish politics 1823–29’ in Studies, lxx, no. 280 (Winter, 1981), pp 308324Google Scholar.

62 Pride in national distinctions and tolerance of denominational differences were positively encouraged, not least by the St Patrick’s, St George’s and St Andrew’s Societies, the three associational prongs of the Tory ‘Constitutional’ movement after 1834. When in 1836 an Anglican clergyman in Quebec urged his flock not to attend the St Patrick’s Day service at the Irish Catholic church, the Anglophone community erupted in disapprobation; even fellow Anglican clerics demanded he be relieved of his position. See Vindicator, 25 Nov. 1834, 30 Jan. 1835; Montreal Gazette, 20 Jan., 19 Mar., 8 Dec. 1835, 22 Mar. 1836; James, Kevin, ‘Dynamics of ethnic associational culture in a nineteenth-century city: Saint Patrick’s Society of Montreal, 1834–56’ in Canadian Journal of Irish Studies, xxvi, no. 1 (Spring, 2000), pp 4766CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

63 See Olson and Thornton, Montreal, 1840–1900, pp 330–4; James, ‘Saint Patrick’s Society’, pp 58–62.

64 Eliot, Irish migrants in the Canadas, pp 6, 125–6, 150, 291, 333n.16.

65 See Corcoran and Smith, ‘Bishop Macdonell and the Friends of Ireland’.

66 Montreal Gazette, 9 Oct. 1828.

67 Quebec Official Gazette, 23 Oct. 1828; Quebec Star, 22 Oct. 1828.

68 Spectator, 4 Oct. 1828.

69 Quebec Official Gazette, 23 Oct. 1828; Quebec Star, 22 Oct. 1828; Spectator 18, 29 Oct. 1828.

70 Spectator, 22 Oct. 1828.

71 Ibid., 29 Oct. 1828; Vindicator 19, 26 Dec. 1828.

72 Vindicator 6 Jan., 27 Feb. 1829.

73 Ibid., 3 Feb. 1829.

74 Ibid., 17 Mar. 1829.

75 Ibid., 24, 28 Apr. 1829.

76 Ibid., 3 Mar. 1829.

77 Ibid., 17 Mar. 1829.

78 Ibid., 10 Feb. 1829.

79 Vindicator, 3 Mar. 1829. Wellington was indeed sensitive to this possibility, remote though it was. See Reynolds, Catholic emancipation crisis, pp 145–6. Similarly in Ireland, Wyse noted a growing ‘American’ influence and a ‘spirit of republicanism’ among the radical wing of the Catholic Association, whose rhetoric resembled Tracey’s. See O’Ferrall, Catholic emancipation, pp 229–30.

80 Tracey never openly called for an American invasion of Canada to liberate Ireland, but in the seventy years prior to the infamous Fenian invasions, many others did. See Wilson, United Irishmen, p. 84; Graffagnino, J. Kevin, “‘Twenty thousand muskets!!!”: Ira Allen and the Olive Branch Affair, 1796-1800’ in William and Mary Quarterly, xlviii, no. 3 (July 1991), pp 409431CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Belchem, John, ‘Republican spirit and military science: the “Irish brigade” and Irish-American nationalism in 1848’ in I.H.S., xxix, no. 113 (May 1994), pp 4464Google Scholar.

81 D.E.P., 24 Dec. 1828.

82 See letters from ‘J. M. D.’, ‘R.’ and others, Nova Scotian, 15, 23 Oct., 20, 26 Nov. 1828. See also hostile editorials in Acadian Recorder, 8, 22 Nov. 1828.

83 See Public Ledger and Newfoundland General Advertiser (St John’s), 28 Nov., 16 Dec. 1828, 16 Jan. 1829; The Newfoundlander (St John’s), 20, 27 Nov. 1828, 26 Feb., 26 Mar. 1829. The Ledger, like the Acadian Recorder, was bluntly anti-O’Connell, while John Shea’s Newfoundlander, in which Patrick Morris purchased regular advertising space, was openly sympathetic.

84 New Brunswick Courier (Saint John), 9 Aug., 6, 13, 20, 27 Sept 1828; Byrne, James P., Coleman, Philip, King, Jason (eds), Ireland and the Americas: culture, politics, and history: a multidisciplinary encyclopaedia (3 vols, Santa Barbara, 2008), i, 207208Google Scholar. See also Fahey, Curtis, ‘O’Grady, William John’ in Dictionary of Canadian Biography, vii, 661665Google Scholar.

85 Vindicator, 29 May, 2 June 1829; Funchion, Irish-American voluntary organizations, p. 119.

86 Vindicator, 25 Mar. 1831; Jackson, ‘Montreal Irish’, p. 91.

87 Vindicator, 25 Mar. 1831.

88 This revival has gone widely unnoticed, especially in the Canadian scholarly literature.

89 MacNeven’s address was reproduced in Vindicator, 29 Mar. 1831. For more reports of Irish-American agitation see 22 Mar., 1, 5, 15 Apr., 10, 20, 27, 31 May, 7, 24 June, 19 Aug. 1831.

90 Vindicator, 25, 29 Mar., 5, 15 Apr., 13 May, 3, 10, 17 June 1831.

91 Geoghegan, Patrick, Liberator: the life and death of Daniel O’Connell, 1830–1847 (Dublin, 2010)Google Scholar, ch. 3; Kinealy, Christine, Daniel O’Connell and the anti-slavery movement: ‘the saddest people the sun sees’ (London, 2011), p. 45Google Scholar.

92 Vindicator, 10 May 1831.

93 Ibid., 15 Apr. 1831.

94 Wilson, David A., The Irish in Canada (Ottawa, 1989), p. 5Google Scholar.

95 Houston, Cecil J. and Smyth, William J., Irish emigration and Canadian settlement: patterns, links, and letters (Toronto, 1990), pp 2728Google Scholar.

96 Of the thirty thousand or more Irish immigrants landing at Quebec in 1832, about one quarter received relief: Houston and Smyth, Irish emigration and Canadian settlement, p. 36.

97 Ibid., pp 105–17; MacKay, Donald, Flight from famine: the coming of the Irish to Canada (Toronto, 1990), pp 135136Google Scholar.

98 See Lamonde, Social history of ideas in Quebec, p. 191; Greer, Patriots and the people, pp 158–9; Manning, Revolt of French Canada, pp 198–9, 202–3; MacKay, Flight from famine, p. 144.

99 See McGowan, Mark G., ‘The tales and trials of a “double minority”: the Irish and French Catholic engagement for the soul of the Canadian church, 1815–1947’ in Barr and Carey (eds) Religion and Greater Ireland, pp 97123Google Scholar.

100 One contributor styling himself L’Impartial complained that these Irish were ‘foreigners’ and ‘self-styled Catholics’ who had ‘come from overseas to overthrow our customs and traditions instead of conforming to them’ [My translation]. Marguilliers were lay churchwardens who sat on parochial governing councils, or fabriques. See La Minerve, 31 Mar. 1831; Vindicator, 12, 19 Apr., 3 May 1831.

101 See, for example, Thomas Begly’s speech at a Tory meeting, reported in Montreal Gazette, 10 Apr. 1834.

102 For more on this, see Vindicator, 11 Apr., 3, 24, 27, 29 30, 31 Oct., 1, 4, 11, 14, 15 Nov. 1834; Montreal Gazette, 23 Oct., 18 Dec. 1834. For Quebec, see de Brou, ‘Irish voters in Upper-Town Quebec’.

103 Of named subscribers to the Friends of Ireland voting in the West Ward in 1834, half voted Tory. In 1827 and 1832, they had voted almost entirely patriote. See Poll Books for the 1827, 1832 and 1834 Elections, West Ward, Montreal (Bibliothèque et Archives nationales du Québec, 06M/TL19/S41/D23–5).

104 Vindicator, 25 Nov. 1834, 30 Jan. 1835; Montreal Gazette, 15 Mar. 1834, 20 Jan., 19 Mar., 8 Dec. 1835; James, ‘St Patrick’s Society’.

105 Vindicator, 10 June 1831. The New York society eventually did something similar. See Vindicator, 19 Aug. 1831.

106 O’Ferrall, Catholic emancipation, p. 225.

107 For example, Tracey and O’Callaghan were Trinity College-educated physicians, Jocelyn Waller came from a wealthy family, Vallieres de Saint Real, Sabrevois de Bleury and John Sexton were barristers, John Donnellan was a successful merchant, and the secretary of the Bytown society, Patrick Haran, was a Catholic priest.

108 The lists of subscribers for Montreal can be found in the Vindicator, 17 Feb., 20 Mar. 1829; for Quebec in Vindicator, 12 May 1829; for Baltimore in D.E.P., 24 Jan. 1829; for Waterford in ‘Report of Meeting of Catholic Rent Committee, City of Waterford, 5, 7 July 1828’ (Dublin Diocesan Archives, CP 56/1/II). For the occupations of the Montreal subscribers I consulted Doige, Thomas, An alphabetical list of the merchants, traders, and housekeepers residing in Montreal: to which is prefixed a descriptive sketch of the town (Montreal, 1819)Google Scholar; idem, An alphabetical list of the merchants, traders, and housekeepers residing in Montreal (Montreal, 1820); Armour, Robert, The Montreal Almanack or Lower Canada Register for 1829 (Montreal, 1828)Google Scholar; Mackay, Robert W.S., The Montreal Directory for 1842–3 (Montreal, 1842)Google Scholar; and newspaper advertisements found in Vindicator, Spectator, and Montreal Gazette. For Quebec, Lower Canada Census 1831 (L.A.C., MG31–C1, Vols 10–11); and Smith, John, The Quebec Directory, or strangers’ guide in the city, for 1826 (Quebec, 1826)Google Scholar. For , Baltimore, Matchett’s Baltimore Directory: corrected up to June 1829 (Baltimore, 1829)Google Scholar provided the occupations of 63 per cent of subscribers. For Waterford, the same document containing the list of subscribers provided the occupations of 55 per cent. This was complemented where possible by Pigot & Co.’s Provincial Directory of Ireland 1824 (Dublin, 1824).

109 Vindicator, 17 Feb., 20 Mar., 12 May.

110 Houston and Smyth, Irish emigration and Canadian settlement, pp 8–9, 45.

111 See Spectator, 4 Oct. 1828; Vindicator, 2 Jan., 12 May 1829.

112 Brown, Irish-American nationalism, p. 41.

113 Ibid., p. 23.

114 Foner, ‘The Land League and Irish-America’, p. 195.

115 O’Farrell, Patrick, The Irish in Australia (Kensington, N.S.W., 1987), p. 273Google Scholar; Davis, Irish issues in New Zealand politics, pp 204–5.

116 Gat, Azar, Nations: the long history and deep roots of political ethnicity and nationalism (Cambridge 2013), p. 15Google Scholar.

117 Miller, Kerby, Ireland and Irish America: culture, class and transatlantic migration (Dublin, 2008), p. 14Google Scholar.

118 Whelehan, Niall, The dynamiters: Irish nationalism and political violence in the wider world 1867–1900 (Cambridge, 2010), p. 210Google Scholar.

119 Jacobson, Special sorrows, p. 2.

120 Miller, Emigrants and exiles, p. 278; Gráda, Cormac Ó, ‘Across the briny ocean: some thoughts on Irish emigration to America, 1800–1850’ in T. M. Devine and David Dickson (eds), Ireland and Scotland, 1600–1850: parallels and contrasts in economic and social development (Edinburgh, 1983), pp 118130Google Scholar at p.120.

121 Reprinted in Spectator, 29 Oct. 1828.

122 Ibid. The author would like to thank the anonymous reviewers, the editor, and David A. Wilson for their helpful comments on earlier versions of this piece.