Abstract
The international political language on terrorism should be taken seriously within IR, both due to its prevalence, its distributing of identities, and its role in the legitimisation of policies. Taking a discourse-theoretical perspective where ‘global terrorism’ is a political concept rather than a distinct empirical object, this article studies Turkish representations of terrorism within the United Nations and the NATO Centre of Excellence: Defence Against Terrorism. By analysing speeches and newsletter articles between 2001 and 2013, I show how global terrorism discourse serves as a political resource by allowing for three main dynamics: (1) articulating specific, regional conflicts to the idea of a global terrorist threat—in this case that with the PKK, (2) the tainting of an enemy through association with a fundamentally illegitimate terrorist identity, and (3) the representation of a rightful and shared international Self, with the terrorist as constitutive Other. The article emphasises how the language used by the Turkish actors is not idiosyncratic or arbitrary; rather, it draws from shared and well-established rhetorical resources.
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Notes
Released 2011; aired on Showtime; based on the Israeli TV series Prisoners of War by Gideon Raff.
For example, in an article on the ‘global war on terror’ securitisation, Buzan (2006, p. 1107) refers to ‘the terrorist cause’ and that ‘it is impossible to predict what terrorists will do’. He thereby suggests not only that the terrorists’ goals are known to us, but that these goals are shared within a homogeneous terrorist group, sharing a sort of a priori unpredictability.
The article is largely based on an unpublished Master’s Thesis written by the author and submitted in July 2013 to the Department of International Environment and Development Studies at the University of Life Sciences (NMBU) in Norway (Bjørkheim 2013).
The word ‘global’ does not assume that this is in any way a universally accepted or omnipresent discourse; it simply refers to the representation of terrorism as being one global issue.
The level of analysis is thus international rather than national. I do not study specifically the mobilisation of ‘terrorism’ within Turkish politics. Such processes depend on narratives and discourses idiosyncratic to the country in question (see Holland 2013), which are not covered here. Additionally, it would require texts in Turkish, as political discourses rest on connotations and references idiosyncratic to a given community of language (Wigen 2015, p. 428).
I recognise that these are not inevitable ways of speaking about terrorism, nor the only ways. Indeed, the contingency of discourses, and the power relations they reflect, are much of the reason for taking a discourse-theoretical approach in the first place. Thus, while the article has a certain Western bias analytically, it certainly does not consider this an a priori point of departure methodologically.
This is one of 18 such NATO Centres and the only one focusing on terrorism specifically. It arranges courses, workshops and symposia on terrorism that are widely attended; the 2010 symposium had 600 participants from 80 countries. The bulk of its officers and civilian workers are Turkish. The Centre was inaugurated in June 2005. The end point is 2011, as this is the latest year of published newsletter articles and symposia records.
See the website Turkeypurge.com for updated numbers; a journalist-driven website basing research mainly on government decrees.
Indeed, finding such thoughts and reasons is never the goal of discourse analysis. Getting unfiltered access to these is theoretically challenging in the first place, but most importantly we do not need to know such thoughts and reasons in order to make political rhetoric interesting as a separate object of study (Krebs and Jackson 2007, pp. 36–42; Jackson 2006, pp. 22–26).
In contrast, methodologies that may emphasise the individual more explicitly, such as rational-choice theory, actually take away agency by replacing contingency with covering-law models where a given set-up leads more or less inevitably to certain outputs (Jackson 2006, p. 36).
Illustratively, President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan argued in 2016 that there was ‘absolutely no difference’ between the PKK, ISIS and the Gülen-Movement, precisely because they are all ‘terrorist’ (Financial Times 2016).
A process that has now stalled completely, especially with the purges that surrounded the 2016 coup attempt in Turkey.
Considering Turkey’s massive Muslim majority, the strengthened articulation of terrorism to Islamic fundamentalism in international politics following the events of 11 September have not made such religious-cultural aspects any less salient (Walter and Albert 2009, p. 240).
The UN material is found through searches for Turkish addresses at the General Assembly and Security Council, using the United Nations Bibliographic Information System (UNBISNET). Note that the speeches of Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan are analyzed through English translations, but these are officially provided by the Turkish delegation itself. The NATO material is based on symposia records and newsletter articles between 2005 and 2011, found at the Centre website (http://www.coedat.nato.int/). All newsletter articles were available at http://www.coedat.nato.int/newsletter.html, but have since late 2014 unfortunately been removed from the website, along with some of the course reports.
Interestingly, this is repeated verbatim by US Captain Tabach (2007), again showing how we are dealing with shared discursive structures.
The first speech by an AKP politician (Gül 2003) marks the divide here.
KONGRA-GEL (The Kurdistan People’s Congress) was established in 2003 as a Kurdish political initiative, officially recognised by Turkey as merely a change of names by the PKK.
Several times, casualty numbers are referred to in this way. By referring to 30,000 victims, the officers are using estimates for the total number of casualties in the conflict at that point, attributing it all to the PKK, whose losses have been significantly higher than those of the armed forces (Eccarius-Kelly 2011, pp. 19–25).
Interestingly, Jenkins himself contrasts terrorists to ‘civilized nations’ right after this.
The success of such representations is of course a different question, and will always depend upon particular circumstances, the composition of the audience, how well arguments are designed to be ‘rhetorically coercive’ (Krebs and Jackson 2007), and so on—besides the more general factors discussed here. While outside the scope of this article, it is certainly an interesting area for further study. Examining this would require tracing discursive developments also among non-Turkish actors. One could use an approach similar to Jackson’s (2006) study of the discursive reconstruction of post-war Germany as ‘civilized’; looking closely at rhetorical contests on both sides surrounding specific events or developments.
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Acknowledgements
I am grateful for the valuable comments of the three anonymous reviewers and the editorial team. I also wish to thank Nina Græger and Einar Wigen for their help during the writing of the Master’s Thesis on which this article is based.
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Bjørkheim, A.S. One terrorism to rule them all: Turkey, the PKK and global terrorism discourse. J Int Relat Dev 23, 487–510 (2020). https://doi.org/10.1057/s41268-018-00167-z
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/s41268-018-00167-z