Technology adoption and gender-inclusive entrepreneurship education and training

2.1 Digital divide

The literature suggests the presence of gender influences among entrepreneurs with respect to the adoption of ICT or the digital divide. ICT resources include physical infrastructure (such as hardware), human resources (such as technical and managerial IT skills), and intangible resources (such as knowledge assets and customer orientation) (Bharadwaj, 2000).

Graham (2011) offers an account of the evolutionary nature of gender and the digital divide, citing longstanding concerns about proximal and socio-economic influences associated with access to tools and content of the information revolution—including gender differences that relate to social polarisation. From telegraphs, telephones and computers to the Internet and contemporary ICT software, technological dualism has shifted from a focus on access to physical IT infrastructure to accessing ICT knowledge (defined as human and intangible IT resources) (Graham, 2011). This includes “the application of technological tools that support the process of starting and running a new venture” (Keyhani and Jonsson, 2017, p. 316). Gender differences in ICT adoption reduce resources available to women-owned SMEs, which may weaken competitive advantage through lower resource capabilities (Benitez-Amado et al., 2010).

Table I provides a summary of previous research regarding gender influences in ICT adoption at both the individual and firm levels. The emergent view suggests that social norms and context play critical roles in awareness, access, and adoption of ICTs. The literature also suggests that gender-related barriers are systemic to the extent that women-owned SMEs are smaller, less likely to retain the financial capital needed to purchase ICTs, and less likely to access ICT knowledge or training. Ironically, the adoption of ICT and specifically, low cost Internet-enabled entrepreneurship technologies, serve to offset relatively smaller amounts of inaugural financial and human resources among SMEs.

At the same time, the ICT landscape is evolving quickly. The lines separating adoption and production of digital technology are blurring. User-friendly technologies are changing the ways in which business owners, suppliers and investors interface. Among larger SMEs, the digital divide may be closing. Statistics Canada, for example, reports no gender differences between 2014 and 2017 in the share of employer SMEs that have adopted at least one type of digital technology (such as cloud computing, data analytics or having an Internet website) (Liu, 2019). It is not clear to what extent these observations are artefacts of larger enterprises. What is evident is that ICT adoption occurs in a gendered context.

Scholars have also observed a directional change in policy in addressing the digital divide, from that of an initial focus on access and connectivity, to interventions focussed on an increased understanding and interpretation of ICT information—that is, policies and programs to utilise ICTs (Ferroa et al., 2011). To inform ICT programs, the next section draws on social feminist theory to critique entrepreneurship education and training (EET).

2.2 Critique of entrepreneurship education and training

Employing a social feminist lens to examine EET, Byrne and Fayolle (2010, p. 77) argue this theoretical perspective serves to unearth gendered assumptions with respect to:

[…] educational-level questions as why (programme objectives and goals), for whom (key targets and audiences), for which results (evaluation and assessment), what (course contents) and how (what methods and pedagogies are used)

Social feminism also “seeks change” (Byrne and Fayolle, 2010, p. 84), given EET supports are positioned within gendered institutional structures that concern entrepreneurship. In this study context, these include government-funded technology adoption, innovation support systems, and EET programs.

Most EET programs fail to consider the importance of ICT adoption, while ICT support programs targeted at entrepreneurs fail to consider the gendered nature of technology. Governments seek to promote technology adoption through the funding of entrepreneurial, technology, and innovation support programs. Rationales for investment reflect fiscal merits of technology adoption and enhanced productivity. The first rationale posits that government (hence, taxpayers) benefit by ICT adoption among business owners, including: monetary benefits of SME adoption of electronic payment and procurement systems; reduced tax evasion and increased tax revenue; reduced activity in the underground economy; reduced corruption; and improvements in the ease and efficiency of doing business (Hejazi, 2014). The rationales do not consider women’s economic empowerment.

Within EETs, program outcomes are moderated by the profile of participants, including gender, age, education (literacy, numeracy), work and entrepreneurial experiences, interests and intentions, and structural factors (such as economic conditions, political stability of entrepreneurship promotion, and culture) (Valerio et al., 2014). Program outcomes reflect systemic biases in program eligibility, client assessment processes, and funding preferences that support industries in which male-owned enterprises are over-represented (Amezcua, and McKelvie, 2011; Menzies and Tatroff, 2006; Peterson and Limbu, 2010; Rowe, 2016). As a result, across economies, women appear to have greater difficulty acquiring entrepreneurship skills. For example, the OECD (2017) has reported that women are less likely than men in nearly all EU Member States to report that they have access to entrepreneurship training programmes. Gender biases are evidenced in the country context of this study.

A large-scale review of Canadian (Ontario) small business programs found that program funding favoured established and larger companies “the companies least likely to be in need of support” (Dalziel et al., 2014, p. 7). The practice effectively excludes many women entrepreneurs who are more likely to operate less established and smaller enterprises (Kussun-Mutch and Orser, 2011). The Institute for Competitiveness and Prosperity (2019) has concluded that the 2017 federal Innovation Superclusters Initiative (CDN) $950 million in funding focussed on supporting advantaged technology) had few mechanisms to hold funded projects accountable for gender equity. This conclusion is consistent with a multi-country study of women’s enterprise policies, reporting that most programs do not report on client engagement or outcomes using sex disaggregated data (Rowe, 2016; Henry et al., 2017; Coleman et al., 2018).

To illustrate further the context of gender-blind ICT programming, in 2011 The Government of Canada launched The Digital Economy Strategy. The strategy entailed (CDN$) $77 million in funding to: accelerate the adoption of digital technologies, build digital skills, and to showcase Canadian technologies through National Research Council of Canada (NRC) support (Goss Gilroy Inc., 2017). The pilot program was executed under the Digital Technology Adoption Pilot Program (DTAPP) with the objective of accelerating adoption of digital technologies among Canadian SMEs in order to boost productivity and create economic growth. Delivered by the NRC between 2011 and 2014, the program[19] provided funding support to SMEs in the form of advisement and non-repayable financial contributions for ICT adoption (e.g. labour, costs and materials excluding computer hardware, travel, feasibility and other studies or training). Neither the federal strategy nor DTAPP mentioned “gender” or “women,” including identifying the gender of beneficiaries (clients) within the program evaluation or strategies to mitigate gender influences in ICT adoption. These illustrative outcomes occurred despite Canadian legislation that mandates gender audits of all federal policies and programming.

It is not surprising therefore that economic agencies recommend that governments develop targets and indicators or benchmarks to track the progress of women’s access to the benefits of ICT. The UN has stressed the importance of identifying and promoting good practises and lessons learned about the ways in which women and girls employ ICT (UN Women, 2017). This infers systemic assessment and reporting on the use of ICT programs among women business owners (UNCTAD, 2014a, 2014b). Such insights inform the rationale for the study questions, questions that seek to inform gender-inclusive ICT EET programs. Such findings also inform calls for gender-inclusive EET, and provision for targeted and women-only programs (Tillmar, 2007).

2.3 Gender-inclusive entrepreneurship education and training programs

The literature review found few studies on emerging good practices to increase the number of women in government-funded EET programs. This outcome is consistent with a literature review by the Editors of a recent Small Business Economics Special Issue on “A gendered look at entrepreneurship ecosystems” (Brush et al., 2018): “Our review of recent articles finds that even though cultural and social attributes (e.g. networks, mentors, role models) are included, no mention of possible gender influences is considered (Acs et al., 2017). […] the presumption is that all actors have the same access to support systems and resources within the ecosystem.” The Editors describe gendered social structures within the entrepreneurship ecosystem, including an estimated 7000 accelerators (1250 in the USA) and other types of support organisations (e.g. incubators, co-working spaces, start-up garages). The suggest the majority are male dominated, with the percentage of women being around 22 per cent, and that there are emerging trends of female-focussed accelerators (Brush and Greene, 2016).

By exception, Knowlton et al. (2015) examined strategies to strengthen small business support for women entrepreneurs among St. Louis-based (U.S.) small business support organisations. The researchers identified three challenges or “gender blind spots”: perceptions about entrepreneurial identity; lack of awareness of support and programs for entrepreneurs in the region (based on a mismatch between outreach efforts and intended beneficiaries); and persistent gendered occupational norms, perceptions and roles, which impact levels of engagement in entrepreneurship activities. Despite good intentions and outreach by the case organisations to promote programs to women, the researchers reported countervailing forces, including: childcare responsibility for women compared to men, absence of women leaders and role models, failure to consider how existing programs and approaches might need to change, creation of “separate” programming for women entrepreneurs that redirected the focus away from making the mainstream entrepreneurial ecosystem more inclusive, and diversity “only for special events highlighting diversity.”

In a similar assessment of Canadian intermediaries, inclusion was a top-of-mind issue for most leaders (Orser et al., 2019). Yet, less than half (44.4 per cent) of the intermediaries consider gender and diversity in recruiting clients, while a third (27.4 per cent) considered gender and diversity in selecting clients. Institutional level challenges included: limited knowledge among the organisations’ leaders about equity, diversity and inclusion (EDI) practices, diversity assessment of the organisation, and gender-inclusive EET. Institutional challenges reflected limited executive commitment to gender inclusion, absence of measurement and tracking, funding agency performance criteria that emphasised economic outcomes (potential high growth SMEs) rather than balance of social and economic outcomes, and assumption that inclusion is a women’s issue rather than a leadership issue. Similar to other studies, gender-inclusive or women-focussed programs were seen to be ad hoc, in development, add-on or pilot initiatives (Coleman et al., 2018).

Research is needed to inform EET program design, development and curricula (Cochran, 2017), to ensure that content reflects the needs and experiences of women entrepreneurs. The research questions posed, and selection of interview participants inform the literature and EET practice with respect to ICT adoption. The following section describes the research approach taken to inform gender-inclusive ICT EETs.

3.1 Data

Twenty-two individuals from Canada (twenty-one interviews) were recruited for this study and data saturation (i.e. when no new themes emerged from the data collected; Creswell, 2013) was achieved. To ensure that participants had sufficient experience and expertise in ICT adoption and gender influence in venture creation, we followed best practice recommendations and relied on a purposeful sampling technique, wherein participants were chosen for their relevance to the research questions (Creswell, 2013; Schwandt, 2001).

Interviews were conducted with informants from the following five groups (see Table II):

1. Seven directors of regional centres with mandates focussed on supporting women business owners with respect to enterprise start-up and growth.

2. Six senior executives of women’s business organisations whose mandates related to advocating on behalf of and mentoring women business owners.

3. Four senior managers of organisations that focussed on mentoring business owners with respect to enterprise start-up and growth.

4. Three women leaders who are active in supporting women entrepreneurs (for example, board members of enterprise centres, associations).

5. Two senior managers of ICT-related industry associations.

Collectively, informants reflected a diversity of experiences related to the technology adoption challenges confronting business owners. This selection provided richness to the data by including information provided by participants from diverse backgrounds and differing perspectives. Semi-structured telephone interviews were conducted by the first and second authors to collect data. Participants were asked two sets of standardised open-ended questions about ICT adoption and gender influences in venture creation with some pre-determined follow-up questions to probe for further details if needed. The semi-structured nature of the interviews allowed the researchers to ask standardised questions across participants while having the flexibility to use unscripted questions when new ideas or themes emerged (Creswell, 2013). The standardised questions were as follows:

• (1). What barriers do small business owners encounter in adopting and using digital technology? What, if any, gender-related barriers do women business owners encounter in identifying, selecting, or operationalising digital technology?

• (2). What types of programs or policies can help women business owners to better utilise digital technology?

Interviews were audio-recorded and transcribed verbatim for analysis. Verbatim transcription captures “information in participants” own words, phrases and expressions, allowing researchers to uncover […] meanings” and reflecting “participants’ emphasis […] relating to the issues discussed” (Hennink et al., 2011, p. 211).

3.2 Data analysis

Interview transcripts underwent interpretive analysis conducted by the third author with the aid of the qualitative data analysis tool, N’Vivo 11. The analytic process of this study was based on immersion in the data including repeated reading of the transcripts, coding and re-coding, and constant comparisons. We employed an open-coding technique where descriptive codes were given to meaningful statements. Descriptive codes were attributions of a class of phenomena using a segment of text (Miles and Huberman, 1994). After the descriptive coding process was completed, interpretive and pattern codes, indicating the inferred themes or patterns, were assigned to the data. As we pursued our analysis of the data, additional codes were created and existing ones were refined to better reflect the data. Any ambiguities were discussed among all members of the research team until consensus was reached. Further data reduction was achieved by grouping similar codes into higher order categories (i.e. clusters of meaning; Creswell, 2013) established based on reviews of previous studies. Some codes did not fit into categories derived from the literature and thus new categories were created. After data reduction, the data were then summarised in a series of matrices, and then displayed and discussed with all members of the research team. This allowed for further analysis and identification of anomalies, commonalities and patterns as was found in the research of Miles and Huberman (1994). The results of these analyses are presented and discussed below.

4.1 Expectancy factors

Expectancy factors refer to knowledge, perceived ease of use, and perceived usefulness (Davis, 1989a; Davis et al., 1989b). Informants described knowledge gaps about ICT that occur prior to business start-up, where men are more likely to be exposed to technology from an early age compared to women (e.g. video, gaming). Lack of knowledge was then associated with level of comfort securing ICT resources, and mis/perceptions about skills required to adopt ICT: “Female entrepreneurs often do not know where to start when it comes to IT adoption”.

Limited time further hinders ICT adoption. Informants suggested that it is difficult for women entrepreneurs to find time to learn about ICT as they juggle personal and occupational roles. Limited financial knowledge was linked to the inability to fully deploy the capabilities of ICT software (e.g. understanding how Excel output can inform financial planning). With respect to performance expectancy, informants suggested women business owners were less likely to understand how ICT bolsters business performance, such as increasing business opportunities (e.g. strategic customer relationship management). Being less aware of the benefits of digital technologies, women were perceived to rate technology adoption lower on their priority lists.

4.2 Facilitating conditions

Informants referred to lack of facilitating conditions, defined as the degree to which a business owner believes that infrastructure exists to support technology adoption. Facilitating conditions were associated with inaugural and ongoing organisational resources. Lack of financial capital limited the ability to purchase/lease ICT-related resources. Resourcing was also associated with technical compatibility of new versus existing (legacy) ICTs, limited access to expert ICT technicians and support networks (versus friends and family), and limited awareness about salient ICT courses and programs. Concerns were raised about ICT programs that favour men. Informants mentioned that, when it comes to support, some women are “afraid and, in some instances, […] almost embarrassed to ask for help.” These observations suggest multiplier effects of gender differences in ICT adoption, insights that challenge funding agencies, educators and trainers to recognise the need to address individual and firm level challenges within EET.

At the structural level, informants talked about the rooted societal issues that led to the gendered barriers to ICT adoption. These included lack of attention from governments regarding the issue of ICT adoption among women business owners, lack of role models, and shortages of women in leadership roles in the ICT sector. Informants referred to the lack of emphasis on digital technology in conversations among women business owners. Critically, it was noted that women tend to underscore this weakness instead of “taking a step where needed.” Lack of confidence and risk aversion were associated with willingness to adopt technologies. Again, these barriers are consistent with those previously identified in the literature.

4.3 Performance expectations

Within the interviews, there were a number of references that within Western societies, men tend to specialise in technology to a greater extent than women. Gaming among men and social networking among women are exemplars of the gender divide. Managing technology is seen as an agentic trait in Western societies, and implies the relevance of role incongruity theory, such that when a woman is in an incongruent role (user of technology; technology decision maker) she will be as seen less favourably in an observer’s mind and she will be aware of that perspective. Thus, the gender gap in ICT adoption is consistent with role incongruity.

These initial findings suggest a range of opinions about the influence of gender on the adoption of ICT, that multiple response strategies are needed, and that there is value in probing EET participants about their views on gender-related obstacles to ICT adoption. The inventory of statements provides content from which to begin to construct gender-inclusive EET curricula.

4.4 Gender-inclusive information, communication and technology programs and policies

Informants were then asked: what types of programs or policies can help women business owners to better utilise digital technology? Informants advanced insights about the ways in which ICT programs can address gendered related barriers of ICT adoption, enhance access to resources, and inform program design, development and delivery (Table V).

5.1 Overview

The study findings converge with research that reports on gendered perceptions about ICT acumen among business owners (MacGregor and Vrazalic, 2008; Mack et al., 2017; Oly Ndubisi and Cengiz, 2005). Building on the importance of institutional and social contexts for business ownership (Welter, 2011, p. 165), the findings further specify and validate gender influences in the digital economy to guide EET personnel in recognising opportunities and “set[ting] boundaries for their actions.” The findings also inform supporting capabilities of gender-inclusive EET interventions. Digital skills were identified, and strategies to close gender barriers to ICT adoption were described. These include the provision of resources (such as tax credits for ICT training), ICT skills support, and awareness of social and cultural issues associated with ICT.

Barba-Sánchez et al. (2007) have suggested that a lack of awareness of the benefits of ICT, coupled with little or no specific training, are systemic barriers associated with SMEs’ lack of ICT adoption. These observations reflect how small business owners acquire knowledge about ICT. Startup Canada (2017), for example, indicates that: 94 per cent of women business owners were self-taught; 46 per cent received education through formal courses and certificates; and 20 per cent learned to use digital tools through the engagement of mentors. Similarly, key informants described how women business owners often lack time to acquire ICT knowledge, an observation consistent with women-owned SMEs lacking scale relative to those owned by men. Informants noted that mainstream ICT support programs can be viewed as male-centric and thus serve to widen the gender gap in ICT adoption among business owners as they fail to recognise the unique experiences and entrapreneurial capabilities of women business owners.

The practical implications of the findings for ICT adoption programs are demonstrated in the Appendix to this research paper. The Appendix presents a critical review of the evaluation, conducted by Goss Gilroy Associates, of the Canadian Digital Technology Adoption Pilot Program (DTAPP). The critical review considers gendered aspects of the reporting on program design and outcomes of the Canadian Digital Technology Adoption Pilot Program (DTAPP) (Goss Gilroy Inc., 2013). The evaluation presents a useful example with which to juxtapose the findings reported here as a lost opportunity.

5.2 Broader implications for policy and programs

Policies and ICT programs should identify, establish, and promote women role models and support networks for women business owners (e.g. develop mentorship programs). Given that there are relatively few women role models or ICT experts, ICT programs should include men as critical resources, as suggested by the informants. In terms of mentoring, same-gender matches increase interpersonal comfort, facilitate the development of trust, reduce social distance, and thus improve the quality of the mentorship relationship. Formal mentorship facilitated by government or ICT programs can provide third-party matchmaking as women business owners often report that such mentors can be hard to find (Orser and Elliott, 2015).

A lead recommendation of the informants was to enhance collaboration among ICT organisations and women’s industry organisations in order to solve resourcing and communication issues. This recommendation aligns with the literature on organisational learning that reports that resource sharing and strategic alliances facilitate intra-organisational learning and thereby enhance curricula. Organisations need to learn to focus and exploit specific knowledge domains through the processes of exploration, experimenting, innovating and taking risks (Holmqvist, 2003). This could be facilitated through a clearinghouse of best practises, in order to improve efficiencies and dissuade mainstream intermediaries from continuing to replicate and evaluate training and curricula exclusively from a masculine perspective.

Increasing awareness about the value of ICTs is another step to change ICT adoption behaviour. For example, gender-inclusive, user-friendly diagnostics and curricula may motivate women to investigate ICTs that align with their business expectations. Gender-inclusive entrepreneurship training for trainers, clients and policymakers may help to reflect on gendered assumptions about ICTs. Additional response strategies shared by key informants to close the gender digital divide are identified in Table AI.

The findings suggested a tension between mainstream and women-focussed organisations, where women-focussed organisations were perceived to lack technical capacity to support advanced ICT training. Conversely, mainstream small business support organisations were perceived to lack sensitivity about the needs of women entrepreneurs. These needs include strategies to address lack of confidence, capacity to respond to differing entry-level knowledge about ICT and awareness about the gendered nature of technology. Recommendations to enhance collaboration between mainstream and women-focussed organisations would help resolve these tensions.

With respect to the cross-cultural relevance of the findings, the literature finds that adoption of technology among SMEs reflect country-level differences in culture and institutional influences (European Commission, ICT Task-Force, 2006; UNCTAD, 2014b). Kartiwi and MacGregor (2007), for example, attribute organisational level barriers to differences in knowledge, skills and competencies, income levels, credit card penetration rates and culture. OECD (2008) has reported that differences in ICT adoption among SMEs are associated with the: ratio of large to small firms; concentration of technologically advanced businesses; presence of academic research institutions; and geographic location. The World Economic Forum (WEF, 2009) reports on country differences associated with rates of social inclusion and poverty. Rates of ICT adoption within developing economies is associated with accelerating use of mobile phones that enable micro-transactions, personal computers, voice activated systems, electronic banking that facilitates payroll support, ATMs that facilitate local payments, radio, television and the Internet, and affordable ICT infrastructure. As gaps in access to digital technologies close, the findings inform what Graham (2011) has referred to as accessing ICT knowledge or the human and intangible IT resources. ETT must ensure that program design, content and curricula are relevant to all entrepreneurs. This study provides an initial inventory of factors to consider.

5.3 Implications for future research

This study lends validity to further examinations of gender influences in ICT adoption processes among SMEs, and to the value of gender-based analysis of ICT support policies and programming. This includes comparing perspectives about ICT among EET personnel and policymakers. Evaluation criteria have been advanced. A second potential research focus is cross-cultural examination of the incidence of gender influences among SME owners, given observations about the spatial context of gender and ICT adoption among SMEs. Canada appears to be a particularly suitable study context for three reasons. First, in 2017 the Government of Canada mandated inclusive innovation and entrepreneurship policy (Morneau, 2017). Second, given the substantive public investment in ICT program support for SMEs (evidenced in the Digital Technology Adoption Pilot Program, DTAPP), and the study findings, there is evidence about opportunities to improve the program design and delivery. Third, Canada is ranked first with respect to workforce diversity (World Economic Forum, 2018), yet with low population density. Accordingly, the need for communications and collaboration tools are, perhaps, greater than among economies with higher population densities. In this regard, Canada is at somewhat of a disadvantage compared to nations in which human resources might be found relatively nearby.

5.4 Study limitations

This study advances gender-specific assessment criteria to construct and evaluate policy and programs to close the gendered digital divide among business owners. It should be noted, however, that the study has several limitations. First, perceptual data may be idiosyncratic to the sample (21 interviews; 22 interviewees). For example, eight informants lead women-focussed SME support services. While it can be argued that these individuals are particularly knowledgeable about gender-related barriers to IT adoption among business owners, it might also be argued that they may have vested interests in exaggerating gender differences.

Second, this work did not control for type of technology or for gender influences that may differ by type of technology. For example, informants indicated that, compared to men, women business owners are relatively adept at social media. However, the relative strength of negative and positive antecedents of attitudes towards particular ICTs is not yet clear.