This is a preview of subscription content, log in via an institution to check access.
Notes
E. W. Robbins, Dramatic Characterization in Printed Commentaries on Terence 1473–1600, Illinois Studies in Language and Literature, XXXV.4, Urbana, 1951: ‘Juvenalis is of no great significance for concepts of characterization’ (p. 16), ‘Guido Juvenalis also contributed very little to the criticism of decorum’ (p. 46).
For the sake of consistency, reference to persons of this period will be by their Latinized names. Hence Guy Jouenneaux is ‘Juvenalis’, and Giovanni Perlanza dei Ruffinoni, better known as Giovanni Calfurnio, is ‘Calphurnius.’ The Flemish name of Jodocus Badius Ascensius is uncertain, but he consistently used the name ‘Badius’ in his printed works. See P. White, Jodocus Badius Ascensius, Oxford, 2013, pp. 4–6 for a discussion. When he signed in as a student at the University of Leuven on 4 March 1483, he used the name ‘Judocus de Baden’ (A. Schillings, Matricule de l’Université de Louvain, vol. 2: 1453–1485, Brussels, 1946).
Throughout this article, transcriptions of the Latin replicate the orthography of Badius 1493 with respect to capitalization and ligatures (æ, œ, &), but most abbreviations have been decoded (e.g., uocāt is rendered uocant). Sometime Badius prints id est, at other times i. The latter will be rendered ‘i(d est)’. Punctuation has been rendered modern (e.g., Badius often used a colon [:] both for a modern question mark [?], and a modern comma [,]).
All translations in this article are my own, and I thank my anonymous assessors for their corrections and suggestions for improving my translations.
ISTC (Incunabula Short Title Catalogue) no. it00089500.
P. G. Bietenholz, ‘Guy Jouennaux’, in Contemporaries of Erasmus: A Biographical Register of the Renaissance and Reformation, Volumes 1–3, A–Z, ed. P. G. Bietenholz and T. B. Deutscher, Toronto, 1985, p. 247.
ISTC no. it00089600.
ISTC no. it00090000.
Calphurnius would later become professor of rhetoric at the University of Padua from 1486 to 1503.
For a study of this commentary, see J. H. K. O. Chong-Gossard, ‘Thais Walks the German Streets: Text, Gloss, and Illustration in Neidhart’s 1486 German Edition of Terence’s Eunuchus’, in Terence between Late Antiquity and the Age of Printing: Illustration, Commentary and Performance, ed. A. J. Turner and G. Torello-Hill, Leiden, 2015, pp. 67–101.
H. B. Norland, Drama in Early Tudor Britain 1485–1558, Lincoln and London, 1995, p. 66.
P. F. Gehl, ‘Selling Terence in Renaissance Italy: the marketing power of commentary’, in Classical Commentaries: Explorations in a Scholarly Genre, ed. C. S. Kraus and C. Stray, Oxford, 2016, pp. 253–75 (254).
J. Bloemendal, ‘In the Shadow of Donatus: Observations on Terence and Some of his Early Modern Commentators’, in Neo-Latin Commentaries and the Management of Knowledge in the Late Middle Ages and the Early Modern Period (1400–1700), ed. K. Enenkel and H. Nellen, Louvain, 2013, pp. 295–323 (301–12). The terms ‘bibliographical codes’ and ‘linguistic codes’ were coined by J. J. McGann, A Critique of Modern Textual Criticism, Chicago, 1983; and The Textual Condition, Princeton, 1991.
The size of the page of Badius 1493 is 227 × 157 mm (8.9 × 6.1 inches). The size of the page of Calphurnius 1476 is 285 × 195 mm (11.2 × 7.6 inches). Dimensions are taken from the Bodleian Library, Bod-Inc Online [incunables.bodleian.ox.ac.uk].
P. F. Gehl, Humanism for Sale: Making and Marketing Schoolbooks in Italy, 1450–1650, URL http://www.humanismforsale.org/, 2008, §1.06.10.
For a discussion of Badius’s illustrations and their understanding of theatrical performance, see G. Torello-Hill, ‘The Revival of Classical Roman Comedy in Renaissance Ferrara: From the Scriptorium to the Stage’, in Terence between Late Antiquity and the Age of Printing: Illustration, Commentary and Performance, ed. A. J. Turner and G. Torello-Hill, Leiden, 2015, pp. 219–35 (227).
Reading illas as modifying an elided interpretationes. One might expect illos (modifying locos), but the text prints illas.
J. Monfasani, ‘Calfurnio’s Identification of Pseudepigrapha of Ognibene, Fenestella, and Trebizond, and His Attack on Renaissance Commentaries’, Renaissance Quarterly, 41, 1988, pp. 32–43 (41).
Gehl, ‘Selling Terence’ (n. 12 above), p. 257.
Badius himself used this same rhetoric in his letter to his readers (see above), claiming that ‘those people’ (illi) kept urging him to print his corrections to Juvenalis’s work. Even so, one feels that Badius sounds considerably more polite than Calphurnius ever could.
My own translation, similar to what I published in Chong-Gossard, ‘Thais Walks the German Streets’ (n. 10 above), p. 70.
Chong-Gossard, ‘Thais Walks the German Streets’ (n. 10 above), pp. 68–9.
That this is in fact a portrait of Terence is possible, since other author portraits in manuscripts depict him in the act of writing; but it is more probable that it represents Guido Juvenalis.
The mention of ‘uiros graues ac litteratos’ makes one think immediately of Calphurnius’s curmudgeonly rhetoric, and what kind of teacher he must have been. For genuine insight into what Calphurnius, in his late forties, was like as a teacher in 1491 and 1492 in Padua, as evidenced by marginalia by his students in extant textbooks, see P. White, ‘Reading Horace in 1490s Padua: Willibald Pirckheimer, Joannes Calphurnius and Raphael Regius’, International Journal of the Classical Tradition, 23, 2016, pp. 85–107.
Juvenalis ad Heautontimorumenos 121–122 (173–174), Badius 1493 sig. p5v. See E. Fumagalli, ‘Machiavelli e l’esegesi terenziana’, in Il Teatro di Machiavelli: Gargnano del Garda (30 settembre–2 ottobre 2004), ed. G. Barbarisi and A. M. Cabrini, Milan, 2005, pp. 125–46 (131) for further discussion.
Juvenalis ad Heautontimorumenos 683. Badius 1493 sig. s7r. See Fumagalli, ‘Machiavelli e l’esegesi terenziana’ (n. 25 above), pp. 130–31 for this and other examples of vulgar Latin in Juvenalis’s glosses.
Juvenalis ad Andria 941. Badius 1493 sig. g4r. See M. McLaughlin, ‘The Recovery of Terence in Renaissance Italy: From Alberti to Machiavelli’, in The Reinvention of Theatre in Sixteenth-century Europe: Traditions, Texts and Performance, ed. T. F. Earl and C. Fouto, New York, 2015, pp. 115–40 (125), and E. Fumagalli, ‘Machiavelli traduttore di Terenzio’, Interpres: Rivista di studi quattrocenteschi, 16, 1997, pp. 204–39 (204–6) for discussions of Machiavelli’s translation of this line into Italian, and the influence of Juvenalis’s commentary on Machiavelli’s translations of Terence’s Andria.
Bloemendal, ‘In the Shadow of Donatus’ (n. 13 above), p. 312.
Robbins, Dramatic Characterization in Printed Commentaries on Terence (n. 1 above), p. 16.
P. F. Grendler, Schooling in Renaissance Italy: Literacy and Learning, 1300–1600, Part 1, Baltimore, 1989, p. 252.
P. F. Gehl, ‘Latin Readers in Fourteenth-Century Florence: Schoolkids and their Books’, Scrittura e civiltà, 13, 1989, pp. 387–440 (407–8). See also R. Black, Humanism and Education in Medieval and Renaissance Italy: Tradition and Innovation in Latin Schools from the Twelfth to the Fifteenth Century, Cambridge, 2001, pp. 24–6, for a summary of scholarly opinions on this topic as regards Italian Renaissance education specifically, and his section ‘Glossing in the margins: the triumph of philology over morality’ (pp. 286–324).
Bloemendal, ‘In the Shadow of Donatus’ (n. 13 above), p. 320.
Badius 1493 sig. k3r.
I thank my anonymous assessor for suggesting this excellent point.
Modern editors (such as Wessner 1902) supply a missing non in hoc totum <non> quasi in palliata, since non is necessary to explain the force of the sed. But what would Juvenalis have understood? Reading without non, Donatus seems to indicate that the palliata genre invented an assumption that a Roman general should fight in the front line, when in reality generals were expected not to endanger themselves. The quote from Sallust (now identified as a fragment from Book 5 of his Histories) lends support (see n. 37 below). I thank my anonymous assessor for helping me understand Donatus’s point.
Here and below, the text of Donatus as printed in a 1477 edition of Calphurnius/Donatus from Treviso is given, since it is Calphurnius’s edition of Donatus (often reprinted) that Juvenalis would have been most familiar with. Stratagematon [sic] is the Greek genitive plural of strategema (στρατήγημα).
Sallust Histories 5, fr. 4. See J. T. Ramsey (ed.), Sallust: Fragments of the Histories, Loeb Classical Library 522, Cambridge (Mass.), 2015, p. 387. Ramsey interprets the fragment as a negative comment on Mithridates who was struck by a stone while rushing into battle (as described by Dio Cassius 36.9.5).
Huic is a corruption that entered the printed tradition, and it appears in Calphurnius’s edition as well. It is unmetrical and does not appear in modern editions of Terence. Badius’s printers punctuated the line with a colon (representing a question mark) after huic, and a full-stop after omphalæ. However, Juvenalis’s gloss implies that the entire line is a question: ‘Thra. qui? id est cur minus seruiam sup. huic. s. Thaidi quam hercules uir fortisssimus seruiuit omphalæ?’ (Thraso: qui? that is, why, should I less serve, supply ‘her’, that is to say, Thais; than Hercules, a very brave man, served Omphale?).
‘Beaten’ is how I translate the verb commitigari. Lewis & Short’s Latin dictionary translates the active form, commitigo, as ‘to make soft, mellow.’ But I follow the Donatus commentary on the line, ‘commitigari est tundendo deprimi atque deponi’ (‘commitigari is to be pressed down or brought down by beating’), which Juvenalis also paraphrases into his gloss on commitigari.
For a brief history of the episcopal or pontifical sandal, see J. Braun, ‘Episcopal Sandals’, in The Catholic Encyclopedia, ed. C. G. Herbermann, XIII, New York, 1913.
I thank my anonymous assessor for correcting my translation and suggesting these excellent points.
cf. Varro De Lingua Latina VII.84 (‘sæpius meretriculam ducere, quae dicta a pelle’).
cf. Festus 443.6P Scorta (‘scorta appellantur meretrices, quia ut pelliculae subiguntur’). In this referencing system of Lindsay’s 1997 edition of Festus, the ‘P’ indicates that the text actually comes from Paul the Deacon’s epitome, which Juvenalis himself would not have known.
cf. Festus 443.8P Scortes (‘omnia namque ex pellibus facta scortea appellantur’) and Varro De Lingua Latina VII.84 (‘nunc dicimus scortea ea quae e corio ac pellibus sunt facta’).
This is how I translate what is printed in Badius 1493, based on Juvenalis’s own gloss: ‘quid i. cur istaec quasi ista haec’ (‘quid, i.e., why? istaec, as if to say, this girl here’). Badius 1493 sig. &3r.
Giovanni Tortelli’s De orthographia dictionum e Graecis tractarum, a study of ancient Greek and Latin, was published in 1471 by Nicholaus Jenson in Venice (ISTC no. it00395000) and printed variously afterwards.
The Latin spelling and punctuation of the line from Badius 1493 sig. m5r are given.
A paraphrase of Festus 260.15F Penem.
Sallust Bellum Catilinae 14.2.
Another quote from Festus 231.2P Peniculi.
Acknowledgements
The author acknowledges that the research for this article was supported under the Australian Research Council’s Discovery Projects funding scheme for the years 2015–2016. The project (DP150100974), entitled ‘Scripts without a stage: Reception of Roman comedy in the early Italian Renaissance’, included a detailed study of the 1493 illustrated Badius edition of Terence.
Author information
Authors and Affiliations
Corresponding author
Rights and permissions
About this article
Cite this article
Chong-Gossard, J.H.K.O. The Pope’s Shoes: The Scope of Glosses in Guido Juvenalis’s Commentary on Terence. Int class trad 27, 193–214 (2020). https://doi.org/10.1007/s12138-018-0492-8
Published:
Issue Date:
DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s12138-018-0492-8