Abstract
Taking Manilius’ description of the processing of fish in Astronomica 5.656–81 as its starting point this paper examines the relationship of fish salting to other aspects of the exploitation of the marine ecosystems in particular the exploitation of coastal salt lagoons. Despite the paucity of evidence for salterns dated to the Roman period several can be associated with fish salting installations, for example, at O Areal (Vigo, Galicia) and Punta de l’Arenal (Javea, Alicante). The paper concludes by considering epigraphic evidence for connections between the personnel involved in the catching and sale of fish, and the provision of raw materials.
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Notes
For a survey of scholarship on Manilius cf. Volk (2011).
Pliny (HN 9.48) states that large fish such as tunny were cut up.
On the negative portrayal of individuals involved in the salting industry, cf. Curtis (1990).
Modern fish sauces generally have a salt to fish ration of 1:3, Crisan and Sands (1975: 106).
Finds of coarse impasto pottery from the Late Bronze Age with indications of having been exposed to fire found along the coast between Nettuno and Torre Astura (Lazio) may have been used as briquetage for the artificial heating of salt-water, Tol et al. (2012: 168).
The level of salinity can also be regulated by the addition of fresh water, Pliny HN 31.39.81.
Marzano (2013: 127) has noted that the 48 circular salt pans at Caunos (Turkey) were not connected to the sea and must have been filled by hand.
Amphorae recovered from the salt lagoons at San Fernando on the Bay of Cádiz may have served a similar function (Alonso-Villalobos et al. 2003: 327–329). More recently the amphorae have been interpreted as part of a jetty for the loading and off-loading of ships (Bernal-Casasola et al. 2005: 191–193).
It has been recently suggested that the channel was extensively remodelled in the Medieval period with the water wheel and north channel being added to cater for changes in sea level (Bolufer-Marques 2011: 78–80), however, similar water lifting devices have been found elsewhere in the Mediterranean dating to the Roman period.
Ørsted (1998: 18–22) distinguishes between the production of crystalline salt that is a vectigal publicum in the same way as other mines, from the evaporation of marine salt that takes place along the shore and is thus included with the sea as publicum.
The establishment of state control may date back to the late sixth century BC, Livy 2.9.6.
On the servile status of the workers in salterns, cf. Martinez-Maganto (2005: 120–121).
Benea (2007: 41–42) has suggested that the exploitation of salt sources in Dacia fell under the jurisdiction of the Roman army.
On Scaurus cf. Curtis (1988).
In addition, two freedwomen–Umbricia Ianuaria and Umbricia Antiochia-are named in receipts from the archive of Caecilius Jucundus dating to November–December AD 56 (CIL IV.3340.23–25).
L. Marius Ponicus may be the shipper, or the owner of the urceus. MAR may refer to an otherwise unattested manager of one of Scaurus’ workshops, Liou and Marichal (1978: 165), Curtis (2005: 41). Scaurus’ name also appears on a South Spanish fish sauce amphora similar to a Dr 14 from the Tampa Museum in Florida that carries a titulus recording its contents as ‘the flower of Scaurus’ mackerel garum from the workshop of Scaurus’, however, the form of the amphora is unusual and its authenticity must be considered suspect.
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Acknowledgements
I would like to thank Dimitra Mylona for the invitation to participate, and to acknowledge the assistance given by the following in the completion of this research: Joaquim Bolufer Marqués, Ehud Galilli, Enrica Culasso, Cristina Carusi and Paz Navarro Rubio for allowing me access to her home and the opportunity to study the remains therein.
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Lowe, B. Manilius and the Logistics of Salting in the Roman World. J Mari Arch 13, 467–480 (2018). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11457-018-9220-4
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s11457-018-9220-4