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The Circulation, Distribution and Consumption of Marine Products in Byzantium: Some Considerations

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Abstract

Marine exploitation in Byzantium had developed to become an industry by the early 10th century, but the systematic study of the various pieces of information scattered through a range of sources has only just begun. Despite the piecemeal nature of the evidence, it has been possible to sketch out a picture of the organised and methodical exploitation of the empire’s marine resources through large and expensive investments, such as in epochai and vivaria, which facilitated an uninterrupted supply of marine products to the cities. It is the development of these features that merits the use of the term “industry”. Byzantium sustained elaborate methods for supplying food to its employees which was provided either during the exercise of their duties, as part of their reward, as a mark of their privileged status, or even based on legitimate legal claims. Large groups of people benefited from the work of those involved in primary production (fishermen, epochai/vivaria owners and lease holders), without necessarily having contributed to the initial investments or expenses. By clarifying these distribution methods, it is evident that the circulation and consumption of marine products in Byzantium was larger than previously thought, and middle and lower class citizens actually did participate and have a share in it. Marine product consumption was not simply restricted by the producer-buyer or offer-demand relationship, it involved social parameters that are not immediately and easily recognisable because of the fragmentary nature of the available information.

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Notes

  1. Most of the evidence at our disposal relates to Propontis in the vicinity of Constantinople and the Aegean. Other areas such as the Black Sea and the Adriatic feature much less frequently in the sources. The same is true for the islands. At present it is not possible to explain the dearth of evidence regarding the island coasts when compared to the relative abundance of it in relation to the mainland shores of northern Greece, Propontis and western Asia Minor.

  2. A unique depiction of an epoche is found on a wall painting of the cathedral of Beroia and a second one, badly preserved, in the church of Theotokos Hodegetria at Mistra. Both wall paintings are discussed by Mouriki 1983: 458–488, especially 459–460 and 467–468. For the depiction at Beroia see Petkos 2013: 110 (commentary) and 111 (picture). Further discussion and commentary on the mural painting of the cathedral of Beroia are found in Κατσαρός 2006: 169–180 and in particular 169–170, 176–177. Detailed discussion regarding the views expressed so far about the epoche in Ragia forthcoming.

  3. The gripos, the anemos and the epoche are devices made of netting, but the gripos in our sources is typically found on a ship.

  4. The sources do not clarify the exact function of these vivaria.

  5. Generally the exkousseia referred to tax exemptions, of groups or individuals and of groups/individuals in return for a specific service. In this context, the most characteristic example is that of the soldiers, who enjoyed exemptions from the payment of secondary taxes; this type of exkousseia is to be seen as a specific group privilege, valid for all the soldiers of the field army and professional regiments. The terms, exkousseia (tax exemption) and exkoussatoi (tax exempted individuals/groups) are very rare, and the tendency is to consider many tax exemptions as exkousseia, especially after the 10th century.

  6. On the catering of the army in general, see primarily Kolias 1984: 193–202; Haldon 1999: 287–292, 2000: 288–289, 294–302. It has to be noted, however, that the main focus of the administrative services regarding the provisions of the army is always wheat and barley for the men and the animals. While there can be approximate calculations, there are no absolute figures, and there is no way of knowing what quantities of other foodstuffs such as salted fish were readily available during the campaigns and how they were distributed to the soldiers.

  7. See for example Theophanes Chronographia, 490.4–7. The information refers to a campaign of AD 811, in which the soldiers were burdened with “their own expenses” (idiois opsōniois).

  8. Around 1328 the tax revenues from fishing in Constantinople amounted to 10,000–12,000 gold coins per year. This amount was handed over to the deposed Emperor, Andronikos II. See Cantacouzeni Historia I, 311.14–16; Gregorae Historia I, 428.17–20. See Matschke 1980: 288; Ragia forthcoming.

  9. See for example Life of Theodora of Thessalonike, 28–29; Life of St. Andrew of Crete, 173–175; Life of St. David, Symeon and George, 209–259, 224–225, 240.21–241.10; Typikon Évergétis, 45.534, 77–79, 81–83; Typikon Kécharitôménè, 45.436–437, 111.1617–1620, 1629, 1631, 1637, 1640–1643, 119.1786; Typikon de Pantocrator, 39.173–175, 181, 184, 186, 41.197, 201–202, 47.277–288, 57.457–460; most of the monastic Typika mention food distribution.

  10. Life of St. Luke the Younger, ch. 61.9–10; Vie de Théodore de Sykéôn, ch. 158.48–50.

  11. This piece of information comes from an addition to Ptochoprodromos’ poem no 4, which in my opinion, judging from the language, should be probably dated much later than the 12th century, Ioannis Tzetzae Epistulae, no 57, 81.30–82.2; Eideneier, Ptochoprodromos, 4.248–38.

  12. The issue of equality among the monks in monasteries has been addressed by Caseau 2015: 284ff, 296ff, who compares Theodore Studites’ regulations and those of the monasteries of the 11th–12th centuries, and briefly by Talbot 2007: 117–119.

  13. On the kinds of fish consumed by the Byzantines see generally Κουκουλές 1952: 79ff; Dalby 2003: 66–69; Koder 2005: 22–23.

  14. Today it is still called μουρούνα in Greek, but a variety of fish can belong to this category, even cod. See Δημητράκος 1954: 4768 s.v. μουρούνα; Κουκουλές 1952: 84. After Dalby 2003: 214, mourouna is the Beluga sturgeon (Huso huso). Another Byzantine edition of the poem has σαλάχιν, ray, instead of σαχαλτίκιν, which is also documented in other sources. Cf. Ioannes Apocaucus Epistulae, no 13.4–5.

  15. The xyston is unknown from other sources and the Byzantine Lexica. It probably is a popular name for some fish, therefore it has not survived as such.

  16. On the diet of the monks see generally Dagron 2002: 448–449; Anagnostakis 2013d: 94–96, based on the record of the monastery of Stoudios; and Talbot 2007: 114–116. Specifically based on monastic foundation documents for fasting and Lenten days see BMFD 5, 1696–1716, 1699ff; for an excellent analysis of the principles regulating monastic alimentation see Caseau 2015: 258–267, 276–284. More generally Dalby 2003: 54–56.

  17. It is not very clear which is the term for caviar from the Black Sea; Ptochoprodromos uses the word chaviarion (: caviar) for poetic needs, but he also calls it σαχαλτίκιν. Here it is probably not the caviar from verzitikon but the gonads of some indeterminate fish (tuna etc.) cured and stored, much like modern botargo, which is also served in thin slices. It is perhaps worth noting that today the lagoons of western Greece, including the area of Naupaktos, where Ioannes Apokaukos served as a metropolitan bishop, are renowned for the high quality bottargo they produce. See Anagnostakis 2013d: 84–85; Ασωνίτης and Συγκέλου 2010: 73–74; Κατσαρός 1989: 652.

  18. On shellfish as aphrodisiac food see Anagnostakis 2013c: 77, 79.

  19. It is also considered that a large part of the fish supply in Constantinople came from its wider region. See Dagron 1995: 58–59, 2002: 459; Γερολυμάτου 2001: 333; Maniatis 2000: 30–31.

  20. Théophylacte d’Achrida, Lettres, no 73.48–49. Cf. Théophylacte d’Achrida, Lettres, no 13.18–19; Eustathios of Thessalonica, Episkepsis, 114.3–5.

  21. The latter text neatly distinguishes between tariheutoi (or tetariheumena), halipastoi, oxōtoi. For preservation techniques see Grünbart 2007: 45–49. Κουκουλές (1952: 62–66), analyses the preservation techniques used for meat; the same methods, however, were probably used for preserving fish (perhaps with the exception of preservation in fat). Not all kinds of fish can be preserved with the same technique – for particular aspects of fish preservation see Mylona 2008: 84–86. Our information on salt mostly concerns its management and trading, see Γερολυμάτου 2001: 326–335.

  22. Michel Italikos, Lettres, no 161; Théophylacte d’Achrida, Lettres, no 13.17–20, 71.48–49; Leon of Synnada, Epistulae, no 19; Theodorus Daphnopates Epistulae, no 25; Theodori Studitae Epistulae, no 209.2–3; Λούγγης 2011: 54–55.

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    Efi Ragia

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Ragia, E. The Circulation, Distribution and Consumption of Marine Products in Byzantium: Some Considerations. J Mari Arch 13, 449–466 (2018). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11457-018-9213-3

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