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Publicly Available Published by De Gruyter October 27, 2016

Multiword Modifiers in some Romance languages. Semantic formats and syntactic templates

  • Valentina Piunno EMAIL logo
From the journal Yearbook of Phraseology

Abstract

This paper focuses on a specific type of Multiword Expressions, particularly widespread in Italian as well as in other Romance languages: Multiword Modifiers, i.e. prepositional phrases functioning as modifiers of a noun (Multiword Adjectives) and of a verb (Multiword Adverbs). Exploiting both syntactic and semantic analysis, this paper explores the hypothesis that Multiword Modifiers are formed on the basis of regular syntactic templates, which can structure and organize the semantic information associated with words. In this perspective, after a brief presentation of Multiword Lexical Units and the class of Multiword Modifiers, the methodology and the general theoretical framework of this study will be explained. The last section is devoted to the analysis of some semantic relations frequently fulfilled by Multiword Modifiers of Italian, French and Spanish. This investigation aims at demonstrating that all Romance languages considered make a regular use of this kind of analytical resource in adjectival or adverbial function, showing similar patterns and syntactic templates.

1 Multiword Modifiers[1]

This analysis focuses on Multiword Modifiers (henceforth MMs), a specific group of Multiword Lexical Units functioning as modifiers of nouns (Multiword Adjectives) and of verbs (Multiword Adverbs). In particular, this investigation will consider MMs showing the syntactic configuration of a prepositional phrase and fulfilling an adjectival function (1), an adverbial function (2) or both (3):

(1)a.scrittoreinerba
writeringrass
‘young writer’
(2)a.parlareabrigliasciolta
speak.infatbridleuntied
‘to speak at full gallop’
(3)a.lavareaseccob.lavaggioasecco
wash.infatdrywashingatdry
‘to dry-clean’‘dry cleaning’

In general, these configurations cannot be attributed tout court to the categories of adjective and adverb. Nevertheless, in specific syntagmatic contexts, some of them can have an adjectival or an adverbial function. I will refer to them as Multiword Adjectives (1), Multiword Adverbs (2) and Mixed Modifiers (3). This phenomenon receives very little attention in grammars and in lexicographical works, especially in the Italian area. However it is worth further investigation, since it is quantitatively important in Romance languages. The table below represents some examples from Italian, French and Spanish.

Table 1:

Multiword modifiers of main romance languages[2]

LanguageExamples of multiword adjectivesExamples of multiword adverbsExamples of mixed modifiers
Italianscala a chiocciola

'spiral staircase’
correre a tutta velocità

‘to run at full speed’
a.  parlare in privato

‘to speak in private’

b.  chiacchierata in privato

‘private chat’
Frenchchaise à bascule

‘rocking chair’
accéder à tout moment

‘to access at any time’
a.  commerce en ligne ‘on-line business’

b.  vendre en ligne ‘to sale on-line’
Spanishzapatos de baile

‘ballet shoes’
hablar a tontas y a locas

‘to talk haphazardly’
a.  peinado a la moda ‘fashion hairstyle’

b.  vestirse a la moda ‘to dress fashionable’

From the lexicological point of view, some analyses have been driven on both Multiword Adjectives[3] and Multiword Adverbs[4] of Italian, French and Spanish. However, they are mostly based on structural properties and do not consider the interaction of syntactic and semantic properties of these units: a simple structural classification does not reveal the intrinsic features of groups of Multiword Modifiers, which are semantically and syntactically similar to each other. This investigation explores the hypothesis that some Multiword units – sharing similar semantic and morpho-syntactic properties – originate from “pre-packaged”[5] syntactic schemes which organize the semantic information connected to specific configurations.

The aim of this investigation is twofold: on the one hand it aims to suggest the hypothesis that some sequences are formed on the basis of regular patterns and governed by a restricted group of co-selection rules, which can structure and organize the semantic information associated with words. On the other hand this analysis aims at showing that this kind of MLUs represent a broader typological phenomenon, which is massively attested and is quantitatively relevant in Italian as well as in French and Spanish. In this perspective, after a brief excursus on the main properties of Multiword Lexical Units (§2), I will explain the methodology that has been applied to construct a database devoted to analytical research (§3), as well as the general theoretical framework of this investigation (§4) and the formalism used for the representation of semantically related Multiword Modifiers (§5). The last three sections are devoted to the analysis of some semantic relations frequently fulfilled by Multiword Adjectives (§6), Multiword Adverbs (§7) and Mixed Modifiers (§8) of Italian, French and Spanish.

2 The heterogeneous nature of Multiword Lexical Units

Since earlier studies, Multiword Lexical Units have been attributed several types of denominations, definitions and classifications.[6] The main difference between the diverse theoretical approaches lies on the level of analysis leading to the definition of this phenomenon. In fact, Multiword Lexical Units are mainly identified on the basis of their syntactic properties (e.g. inseparability of constituents, fixed order and presence of dedicated syntactic structures) and semantic properties (e.g. the paradigmatic invariability and non-compositional semantics). Recent studies have shown that, given the heterogeneous nature of Multiword Lexical Units, a description of this phenomenon could only be provided by an approach based on the close relationship between the different levels of analysis.

In this contribution Multiword Lexical Units (henceforth MLUs) will be referred to as to complex lexical items composed of two or more words, syntactically bound. Hence, my theoretical and methodological approaches are based on two main assumptions: on the one hand, MLUs can only be analysed considering the simultaneous interaction of multiple levels of analysis; on the other hand, the notion of MLUs has a scalar nature and has to be modulated along a continuum of fixedness.

MLUs constitute a heterogeneous group, which can be analysed along different dimensions (i–iii) or properties (iv–v), such as:[7]

  1. function;

  2. syntactic configurations;

  3. morphological, syntactic, semantic and lexical restrictions, semantic idiosyncrasy (stronger or weaker compositionality);

  4. fixedness and cohesion;

  5. schematicity or degree of lexical specification (more or less lexically specified configurations).

Depending on their specific functions, MLUs can be differentiated into several groups, depending on different kinds of syntactic configurations. Table 2 exemplifies some of the most common MLUs and the most productive syntactic patterns (with examples in Italian, French and Spanish).[8]

Table 2:

Types of MLUs and their syntactic patterns

Type of MLUsFunctionSyntactic configurationsExamples
Multiword NounsNOMINALi. Noun Adj

ii. Noun Prep Noun

iii. Noun Prep Verb
IT: agente segreto ‘secret agent’

SP: tarjeta de crédito ‘credit card’

FR: salle à manger ‘dining room’
Multiword VerbsVERBALi. Verb Prep Noun

ii. Verb Adverb

iii. Verb Noun
IT: prendere in giro ‘make a fool’

SP: ir bien ‘to be fine’

FR: prendre part ‘take part’
Multiword AdjectivesADJECTIVALi. Noun Conj Noun

ii. Adj Conj Adj

iii. Prep Det Noun
IT: acqua e sapone ‘natural’

SP: blanco y negro ‘black and white’

FR: à la mode ‘fashionable’
Multiword AdverbsADVERBIALi. Noun Noun

ii. Noun Prep Noun

iii. Prep Adj Noun
IT: passo passo 'step by step’

SP: cara a cara ‘face to face’

FR: en toute sécurité ‘in safety’
Multiword PrepositionsPREPOSITIONALi. Noun Prep

ii. Prep Noun Prep

iii. Adverb Prep
IT: riguardo a ‘about’

SP: por parte de ‘on the part of’

FR: avant de ‘before’

Multiword Lexical Units are subject to different types of restrictions:[9]morphological, semantic, syntactic and lexical restrictions. However, the extent to which restrictions are enforced may vary according to the type of MLU (Svensson 2004, Lavieu 2005, Piunno 2015).

On the basis of the fixedness of their constituents, MLUs show a lower or a higher degree of syntactic cohesion: the stronger the cohesion between its constituents, the higher the fixedness of a MLU.

MLUs may also show several degrees of lexical specification. Some MLUs are characterized by lexical variation, since their constituents may not be fully lexically specified. Some MLUs allow for the substitution of one of their constituents, even if the paradigmatic choice may be limited to particular semantic fields.

The notion of MLU has therefore a scalar nature and has to be modulated along a continuum of semantic, lexical and syntactic fixedness. On the basis of the interaction between morphological, syntactic, semantic and lexical criteria, I therefore propose a constructional internal grading, which distinguishes between partially fixed MLUs[10] and totally fixed MLUs[11] (Piunno 2013, 2015). While totally fixed MLUs do not allow for any variations and are fully lexically specified, partially fixed MLUs are partially open to lexical or syntactic changes (Piunno 2015). Partially fixed MLUs show a lower degree of fixedness and cohesion of their constituents, as well as a lower degree of lexical specification. However, partially fixed MLUs are not equally open to paradigmatic variation: depending on the degree of their syntactic frozenness, MLUs can therefore show a reduced or extended paradigmatic variation.

3 Methodology

As a first step, the extraction of data from an Italian corpus[12] and the consultation of major Italian lexicographical works[13] led to the identification of the most productive Italian syntactic configurations of MMs.

Secondly, the collected exemplars of MMs were divided into different classes, depending on their syntactic and semantic properties: exemplars sharing the same syntactic configurations and denoting the same semantics have been grouped into a single “type”.

Thirdly, the semantic relations most frequently performed by MMs have been identified, as for example:

  • shape (Section 6.1): the external form or outline of something;

  • working principle, means and instrument (Section 6.2): the mechanisms or the means that allow a device to operate;

  • purpose (Section 6.3): the reason why something is created;

  • suitability (Section 6.3): the appropriateness of something to a particular function;

  • manner (Section 7.1–7.2): the way something is done;

  • temporal and spatial progression (Section 7.3): the temporal or spatial act of progressing;

  • temporary state (Section 8.1): the momentary condition that someone is in at a given time).

At a later stage, nouns involved in MMs have been classified in different semantic classes, on the basis of the classifications made in LexIt and Wordnet.[14]

Finally, I have made a comparison between patterns of Italian and their equivalents in French and Spanish. Spanish data have mainly been collected from the Corpus del Español Actual (CEA)[15] and those of French from the Chambers-Rostand du français journalistique corpus[16]. Combinatory dictionaries[17], on-line monolingual dictionaries[18] and internet pages have in some cases been consulted.

4 The organisation of the semantic information

My theoretical framework is in line with the models of Construction Grammar,[19] but it is particularly bound to the Construction and Category Grammar – CCG (Simone 2006a). My starting assumption is that the transition from the meaning of a MLU to its syntactic form consists of two different levels: the cognitive-conceptual (pre-linguistic) level and the purely linguistic level (Simone 2006a). At the cognitive-conceptual level, specific patterns (the semantic formats) are able to structure and organise the semantic information associated with a word (Simone 2006a). At the linguistic level, semantic formats are connected to particular linguistic structures (syntactic templates), which represent specific meanings. Syntactic templates can therefore identify the semantic templates of different but conceptually similar constructions.

Table 3:

The organisation of semantic information (from Simone personal communication, with modification)

Cognitive-conceptual levelLinguistic level
Semantic formatsSyntactic templates

Even if it would be unfeasible to trace the semantic organisation of all MMs – since their semantics is often idiosyncratic –, it is possible to assign a specific range of relational meanings to some syntactic patterns. In fact, syntactic templates give rise to a considerable number of lexemes sharing similar morpho-syntactic characteristics and semantic properties.

On the basis of a shared regular syntactic structure related to particular sets of meanings, it is therefore possible to subdivide MMs into two main groups:

  1. semantically unpredictable: prepositional Multiword Adjectives or adverbs not sharing any syntactic and semantic features with other groups of examples; they are mostly idiosyncratic and, as a consequence, their formation is not to be attributed to any general syntactic rule. The syntactic structure and the preposition employed are not a unit of specific semantic information. Examples of semantically unstable MMs are lexemes with metaphorical meanings, such as in erba (‘young’, literally ‘in grass’), al bacio (‘excellent’, literally ‘to the kiss’), in gamba (‘capable’, literally ‘in leg’).

  2. semantically predictable: MMs sharing a specific syntactic configuration with other instantiations and creating a single network of semantic relationships. In this case the semantic format and the syntactic template of the prepositional phrase can suggest particular sets of meanings.

While semantically unpredictable MMs are usually fixed and do not allow for any lexical or syntactic variation (totally fixed MMs), semantically predictable MMs may show a greater variability. Semantically predictable MMs are a very interesting topic, still lacking of defining criteria, though. Their semantics is regulated by co-selection rules and it is therefore strictly connected to the semantic format and˛the syntactic template, as well as to the preposition involved in the structure.[20] The semantic contribution of prepositions is especially evident when the preposition is the only part of the MM subject to variation, as in the following examples:
(4)a.Johnèapiedib.Johnèinpiedi
JohnisatfeetJohnisinfeet
‘Johnisonfoot’‘John is standing’
(5)a.un’automobiledacorsab.un’automobileincorsa
a carfromrunninga carinrunning
‘a race car’‘a running car’
This means that sometimes the preposition employed can bring a significant change in the meaning of the MM. Furthermore, the syntactic structures of a MM can suggest specific ranges of meaning. The following examples show some semantically predictable Italian MMs and their equivalents in French and Spanish:
(6)Semantic relation: working principle
IT: barcaavelaamotorearemiavapore
FR: barqueàvoileàmoteuràramesàvapeur
SP: barcodevelademotorderemosdevapor
‘sailing boat’‘powerboat’‘rowboat’‘steamboat’
(7)Semantic relation: manner
IT:allamodaallagrecaalladiavola
FR:à lamodeà lagrecqueà ladiable
SP:a lamodaa lagriegaa ladiabla
‘fashionable’‘Greek styled’‘devil's styled’
(8)Semantic relation: purpose and suitability
IT:dacaffèdapanedaviaggiodamacellaio
FR:àcaféàpaindevoyagedeboucher
SP:decafédepandeviajedecarnicero
‘for coffee’‘for bread’‘for travelling’‘for butcher’
(9)Semantic relation: temporary state
IT:inattesaincircolazioneincamicia
FR:enattenteencirculationenchemise
SP:enesperaencirculaciónencamisa
‘waiting’‘in circulation’‘in shirt’
(10)Semantic relation: temporary state
IT:diguardiadiservizio
FR:degardedeservice
SP:deguardiadeservicio
‘on guard duty’‘on duty’
It is noticeable that the examples in each row include the same preposition – e.g. the Italian prepositions a (6), alla (7), da (8), in (9), di (10) – and are characterised by the same syntactic structure. Interestingly, they also share a similar semantic value and express the same semantic relation – working principle (6), manner (7), purpose (8) and temporary state (9–10) –. Other Romance languages express the same semantic relations by similar patterns but not always with the same preposition as the one used in Italian. This means that some syntactic structures operate as semantic representations. As a consequence, syntactic templates can specialise in revealing specific groups of semantic relations. Furthermore, some groups of MMs, in addition to syntactic structure and semantic properties, can share collocational features. The collection of this kind of lexemes represents the so called para-synonymic series (Blanco 2001) or “ensembles synthétiques” ('syntactic units’, Sechehaye, 1950 [1926]),[21] namely synonymic sets of MMs showing the same morpho-syntactic structure and appearing in the same linguistic context.

5 The representation of Semantic formats

Syntactic templates are linguistic configurations associated with specific semantic formats. Each configuration responds to co-selection constraints and entails a double semantic restriction: on the nouns or verbs that are modified by the prepositional phrase (N1 or V); and on the noun included in the adjectival (N2) or adverbial Multiword (N1).

The representation of the semantic format of a MM includes both the semantic relation it expresses and the syntactic template associated to it, as follows:

Figure 1: Representation of the Semantic Format
Figure 1:

Representation of the Semantic Format

A syntactic configuration comes into being when a) it is instantiated by a high number of exemplars; b) the exemplars constitute a semantic (or morpho-syntactic) “type”, sharing semantic and morpho-syntactic properties. More types are admitted in a configuration, the more schematic and productive such configuration will be (Bybee 1985, Bybee and Thompson 1997, Barðdal 2008).

The next paragraph is dedicated to the most productive syntactic templates of the most representative Italian MMs formats and their equivalents in French and Spanish.

6 Multiword Adjectives

Multiword Adjectives are remarkably spread in Italian, since they show a significant quantitative extension.[22] Their syntactic configurations can be various,[23] but the most exploited pattern is [Preposition + Noun].[24] Even if these configurations cannot be attributed tout court to the category of adjectives in specific syntagmatic contexts, they can have either an attributive or a predicative function (Piunno 2015).

6.1 Semantic format I: shape

The Italian configuration [a + Noun] is the most recurrent pattern for Multiword Adjectives, and can entail different semantic relations: one of them is the “shape” relation. These sequences share similar syntactic configurations with other MMs, but they differ in semantic and distributional properties (cf. Pure Multiword Adjectives, Piunno 2015).

In fact, the nouns (N1 and N2) involved in the configurations are subject to different co-selection restrictions: both N1 and N2 have to refer to concrete, defined and delimited objects or to human beings, that show and share a peculiar shape or physical property:

(11)a arco ‘bow-shaped’, a cerchio ‘round-shaped’, a conchiglia 'shell-shaped’, a cono ‘with the shape of a bevel’, a croce ‘cross-shaped’, a ferro di cavallo ‘horseshoe-shaped’, a fungo ‘mushroom-shaped’, a gomito ‘elbow-shaped’, a ics ‘x-shaped’, a patata ‘with the shape of a potato’, a sigaretta ‘with the shape of a cigarette’, a spirale ‘spiral-shaped’, a stella ‘star-shaped’, a trapezio‘with the shape of a trapezoid’, a triangolo ‘triangle-shaped’.
These configurations entail a resemblance relation and usually combine with N1 denoting a concrete object whose shape is similar to that of N2:
(12)[N1 [a + N2]]
a.cappelloacono
hatatcone
‘cone hat’ = hat having the shape of a cone
b.orecchinoagoccia
earringatdrop
‘drop-shaped earring’ = earring having the shape of a drop
c.scollaturaacuore
necklineatheart
‘heart neckline’ = neckline having the shape of a heart
d.jeansazampadielefante
jeansatpawofelephant
‘flared jeans’ = jeans having the shape of an elephant's paw

Other Romance languages express the semantic relation “shape” by similar patterns but they not always use the same preposition as in Italian.

(13)IT:[a + N2 [concrete object]]
pantaloniasigarettatuboagomito
trousersatcigarettepipeatelbow
‘cigarette trousers’‘elbow pipe’
FR:[de/en + N2 [concrete object]]
pantalonde/encigarettetuyauencoude
trousersof/incigarettepipeinelbow
‘cigarette trousers’‘elbow pipe’
SP:[de + N2 [concrete object]]
pantalonesdepitillotubodecodo
trousersofcigarettepipeofelbow
‘cigarette trousers’‘elbow pipe’
While Spanish expresses the relation of similarity using the preposition de, French employs both de and en.[25]

The semantic format for this relation is the following:

(14) Semantic Format I
a. Semantics:“Shape”
b. Syntactic template:IT: [a N2[concrete object]]
FR: [de/en + N2 [concrete object]]
SP: [de + N2 [concrete object]]

6.2 Semantic format II: working principle, means and instrument

MMs with the syntactic structure [a + N2] can express the semantic relation of “working principle, means and instrument”:

(15)sedia a rotelle ‘wheelchair’, pattino a rotelle ‘roller skate’, turbina a vapore ‘steam turbine’, riscaldamento a gas ‘gas heating’, bilancia a molla ‘spring scale’, armonica a bocca ‘mouth organ’, pentola a pressione ‘pressure cooker’, strumento a percussione ‘percussion instrument’.
If they cover an adjectival function,[26] such sequences usually express the working principle of a device (represented by N1):
(16)[N1 [a + N2]]
a.automobileabenzina
caratpetrol
‘petrol car’ = car that runs with petrol
b.pannelloaenergiasolare
panelatenergysolar
‘solar panel’ = panel that works with solar power
The configuration entails a double restriction: on the one hand N1 has to refer to a concrete, defined and delimited object – usually an artifact (e.g. tavola ‘table’, sedia ‘chair’, valigia 'suitcase’, pattino 'skate’), a means or device (e.g. turbina ‘turbine’, automobile ‘car’, bombola ‘tank’, impianto ‘machinery’, centrale 'station’, stufa 'stove’) or a noun referring to an event (e.g. navigazione ‘navigation’, pattinaggio 'skating’, riscaldamento ‘heating’); on the other hand, the noun that follows the preposition (N2) can represent a source of energy – a natural force (e.g. vento ‘wind’, fuoco ‘fire’) or a substance (e.g. aria ‘air’, gas ‘gas’, benzina ‘petrol’, carbone ‘carbon’) – or the means by which it causes the movement or the process expressed by N1 (e.g. remi ‘oar’, motore ‘engine’, molla 'spring’), a body part (e.g. mano ‘hand’, bocca ‘mouth’) or an event (more properly an action, e.g. pressione ‘pressure’, spinta ‘push’, percussione ‘percussion’).

It is worth noting that other Romance languages express the working principle by similar patterns but not always with the same preposition.

(17)IT:[a + N2 [natural force]]FR:[à + N2 [natural force]]SP:[de + N2 [natural force]]
mulinoaventomoulinàventmolinodeviento
millatwindmillatwindmillofwind
‘windmill’‘windmill’‘windmill’
(18)IT:[a + N2[Substance]]FR:[à + N2 [Substance]]SP: [de/a + N2 [Substance]]
locomotivaavaporelocomotriceàvapeurlocomotoradevapor
locomotiveatsteamlocomotiveatsteamlocomotiveofsteam
‘steam locomotive’‘steam locomotive’‘steam locomotive’
(19)IT: [a + N2 [means]]FR:[à + N2 [means]]SP:[de + N2 [means]]
frenoapedalefreinàpédalefrenodepedal
breakeatpedalbreakeatpedalbreakeofpedal
‘footbrake’‘footbrake’‘footbrake’
(20)IT:[a + N2 [body part]]FR:[à + N2 [body part]]SP: [de + N2 [body part]]
valigiaamanobagageàmainequipajedemano
bagathandbagathandbagofhand
‘handbag’‘handbag’‘handbag’
(21)
IT:[a + N2 [event]]FR:[à + N2 [event]]SP:[de/a + N2 [event]]
strumentoainstrumentàinstrumentode
percussionepercussionpercusión
instrumentatinstrumentatinstrumentof
percussionpercussionpercussion
‘percussion instrument’‘percussion instrument’‘percussion instrument’

While in Italian and in French the prepositions a and à can be found, respectively, Spanish expresses the same relation by using both de (with nouns denoting natural force, substance, means, body parts and events) and a (with nouns denoting events).

These features can be schematically represented as follows:

(22) Semantic Format II
a. Semantics:“Working principle, means and instrument”
b. Syntactic template:IT: [a + N2 [natural force / substance / means / device / body part / event]]
FR: [à + N2 [natural force / substance / means / device / body part / event]]
SP: i. [de/a + N2 [natural force / substance / means / device / body part]]

   ii. [de/a + N2 [event]]

6.3 Semantic format III: purpose and suitability

The syntactic templates expressing the semantic relation of “purpose and suitability” are expressed in Italian by patterns making use of the preposition da:

(23)tazzina da caffè ‘coffee mug’, coltello da pane ‘bread knife’, spazzolino da denti ‘toothbrush’, scarpe da ballo ‘ballet shoes’, borsa da viaggio ‘travelling bag’, tenda da doccia 'shower curtain’, cane da caccia ‘hunting dog’, coltello da macellaio ‘butcher knife’, casco da motociclista ‘motorcyclist helmet’.
This kind of MMs usually is bound to highly referential N1, such as artifacts (tazzina ‘mug’, coltello ‘knife’, borsa ‘bag’, spazzolino ‘brush’, casco ‘helmet’) or living beings (cane ‘dog’). MMs of this kind can be composed by the following types of nouns (N2):
(24)a.[da + N2 [concrete noun]]
N2[concrete noun] {caffè ‘coffee’, pane ‘bread’, denti ‘teeth’}
b.[da + N2 [event]]
N2 [event]{ballo ‘ballet’, viaggio ‘travel’, doccia 'shower’, caccia ‘hunting’}
c.[da + N2 [person | profession]]
N2 [person | profession] {macellaio ‘butcher’, motociclista ‘motorcyclist’}
It is worth noting here that the same configuration can express both destination and suitability of something to a particular function.

The same semantic relation is expressed with similar syntactic patterns in French and Spanish. The only difference lies in the preposition employed.

(25)IT:[da + N2 [concrete noun]]FR: [à + N2 [concrete noun]]SP: [de + N2 [concrete noun]]
coltellodapanecouteauàpaincuchillodepan
knifefrombreadknifeatbreadknifeofbread
‘bread knife’‘bread knife’‘bread knife’
(26)IT:[da + N2 [event]]FR:[de + N2 [event]]SP: [de + N2 [event]]
borsadaviaggiosacdevoyagebolsodeviaje
bagfromtravelbagoftravelbagoftravel
‘travel bag’‘travel bag’‘travel bag’
(27)IT:[da + N2 [ person|profession]]FR:[de + N2 [person|profession]SP:[de + N2 [person|profession]]
coltellodamacellaiocouteaudebouchercuchillodecarnicero
knifefrombutcherknifeofbutcherknifeofbutcher
‘butcher's knife’‘butcher's knife’‘butcher's knife’

It is worth noting that while Spanish only employs the preposition de, in French the same pattern is expressed by means of two different prepositions: de and à. The preposition à is usually followed by concrete nouns (25), while de is employed with event nouns or professions (26–27).

This template is usually employed to express destination, appropriateness, suitability of something to a particular function. Its semantic format is as follows:

(23) Semantic Format III
a. Semantics:“Purpose and suitability”
b. Syntactic template:IT: [da + N2 [concrete / event / person / person / profession]]
FR: i. [à + N2 [concrete]]

   ii. [de + N2 [event / person / profession]]
SP: [de + N2 [concrete / event / person / profession]]

7 Multiword Adverbs

Multiword Adverbs represent a heterogeneous group, since the adverbial function can be notoriously expressed by different lexical elements (such as nominal phrases, prepositional phrases or propositions). As far as their syntactic configurations are concerned, different combinations are possible. However a great number of Italian multiword adverbs have the syntactic configuration of a prepositional phrase.[27] From a functional point of view, prepositional phrases with an adverbial function can entail different syntactic relations: they can appear as verb modifiers, as adverb modifiers, as adjective modifiers or as sentence modifiers, just as prototypical adverbs do (Piunno, 2015).

7.1 Semantic format IV: manner (repeatable event)

One of the most recurrent and productive adverbial configurations is realized by the preposition a followed by a plural noun:

(29)[a + N1plural]
N1 is plural and generally denotes a rapid movement, namely a potentially repeatable event. These Multiword Adverbs are generally associated with verbs denoting different kinds of events. On the basis of the semantics of the nouns involved in the construction, the syntactic template can express different sets of meanings.

The first configuration explains the way a blow is inflected to someone or something. It entails a double restriction, on the collocate-verb and on the noun involved in the MM. The verbs associated with these modifiers generally denote a punctual event which can provoke a change-of-state (i.e. colpire ‘hit’, uccidere ‘kill’, ferire ‘wound’, rompere ‘break’). Italian Multiword Adverbs contain nouns denoting a concrete noun (generally an instrument), ending with the suffix -ata, at the plural form -ate:[28]

(30)[a + N1[concrete noun -ate]] N1[concrete noun -ate]
{revolverate ‘revolver shots’, martellate ‘hammer blows’, bastonate ‘blows struck with a stick’, sassate ‘blows struck with a stone’, fucilate ‘gunshots’, sportellate ‘blows struck with a door’, sediate ‘blows struck with a chair’, pallettate ‘blows struck with a pellet’, pedate ‘kicks’, manganellate ‘blows struck with a club’}.
The Italian suffix -ata is generally added to highly referential nouns, in order to convey the meaning of a single punctual event.[29] The configuration in (30) conveys the meaning of a repeated brief event, which is typically expressed by the instrument or the means represented by N1. The semantic format is extremely productive in Italian and can be realized with every concrete noun which admits pluralization. The same function and meaning are associated to a similar configuration, built with the construction a colpi di (literally ‘at strokes of’), followed by a concrete noun:[30]
(31)[a colpi di + N1[concrete noun]]
N1[concrete noun]frusta ‘whip’, martello ‘hammer’, pistola ‘gun’
The same semantic format of (30) is expressed in Spanish using the suffix -azo, meaning ‘a sudden physical action’.[31] On the contrary in French the same semantic format is expressed by a configuration similar to (31), introduced by the construction “à coups de” (‘blown with’, literally ‘at blows of’) and followed by a concrete noun.
(32)IT:[a + N1[concrete noun -ate]]
acannonatearandellateamartellate
atcannon.shotatcudgel.blowathammer.blow
‘cannonballed’‘bludgeoned’‘blown with hammer’
(33)SP:[a + N1[concrete noun -azos]]
acañonazosagarrotazosamartillazos
atcannon.shotatcudgel.blowathammer.blow
‘cannonballed’‘bludgeoned’‘blown with hammer’
(34)FR:[à coups de + N1[concrete noun]]
àcoups de canonàcoups de matraqueàcoups de marteau
atcannon.shotatcudgel.blowathammer.blow
‘cannonballed’‘bludgeoned’‘blown with hammer’
The semantic format for manner of an abrupt repeatable event is the following:
(35) Semantic Format IV
a. Semantics:“Manner – repeatable event”
b. Syntactic template:IT: i. [a + N1 [concrete noun -ate]]

 ii. [a colpi di + N1 [concrete noun]]
FR: [à coups de + N1 [concrete noun]]
SP: [a + N1 [concrete noun -azos]]

7.2 Semantic format V: manner (intensifier)

Italian, French and Spanish show a similar syntactic configuration, operating as an intensifier.

(36)a. [a + tutto/a + N1]
b. a tutta birra ‘hell-for-leather’, a tutta velocità ‘at full speed’, a tutto gas ‘at full speed’
This particular semantic value is added by the indefinite adjective tutto ‘all’, expressing the highest level of a scale of values, and whose meaning corresponds to “to the maximum degree” or “intensely”. The prepositional phrase [a tutto + N1 singular] is usually preceded by process verbs (e.g. to shout, to laugh), and in particular by verbs of movement (e.g. to drift, to swoop, to go, to ride, to launch), often used also in a metaphorical sense:
(37)IlTG1vinceperchévaa tutta cronaca(LaR corpus)
TheTG1win.3SG because go.3SG at all crime.news
‘the TG1 wins because it goes at full crime news’
This template is generally composed by the following types of nouns (N2):
(38)a.[a tutta/o + N2 [act | attribute]]
N2[attribute]{velocità 'speed’, forza 'strength’, grinta 'stamina’, voce ‘voice’}
b.[a tutta/o + N2 [concrete noun]]
N2 [concrete noun]{caldaia ‘boiler’, valvola ‘valve’, manetta ‘throttle’, gas ‘gas’, fiamma ‘flame’, megafono ‘megaphone’, motore ‘engine’, acceleratore ‘accelerator’}
c.[a tutta/o + N2 [body part]]
N2 [body part]{bocca ‘mouth’, gola ‘throat’, dentatura ‘teeth’, rotula ‘patella’}
Concrete nouns can refer both to devices whose typical function is the adjustment of the intensity of a process (39) or to body parts (40):
(39)cuocereatuttafiamma
cook.infatallflame
‘to cook at full flame’
(40)gridareatuttabocca
shout.infatallmouth
‘to shout loudly’

Especially when used in connection with nouns denoting body parts, the prepositional phrase acquires a dual semantics: to the already present meaning of “to the maximum extent” the semantic value of “with the whole x” is added:

(41)gridaatuttagolaversoilcielo (LaR corpus)
shout.3SGatallthroattowardsthesky
‘(s)he shouts with the whole throat towards the sky’
(42)sorridendoatuttadentatura (LaR corpus)
smile.geratallset of teeth
‘smiling with all teeth’
Therefore N1 is the means by which the action is intensified. The same configuration is attested in Spanish and in French:
(43)
IT:[a tutto/a+ N1 [act|attribute]]FR:[a tout/e + N1 [act|attribute]]SP:[a todo/ a + N1 [act|attribute]]
atuttavelocitààtoutevitesseatodavelocidad
atallspeedatallspeedatallspeed
‘atfullspeed’‘atfullspeed’‘atfullspeed’
(44)[32]
IT:[a tutto/a + N1 [concrete noun]]FR:[a tout/e + N1 [concrete noun]]SP:[a todo/ a + N1[concrete noun]]
atuttovaporeàtoutevapeuratodovapor
atfullsteamatfullsteamatallsteam
‘attopspeed’‘attopspeed’‘attopspeed’
(45)
IT:[a tutto/a + N1 [body part]]FR:[a tout/e + N1 [body part]]SP:[a todo/a + N1 [body part]]
atuttagolaàtoutegorgeatodagarganta
atallthroatatallthroatatallthroat
‘with the whole throat’‘with the whole throat’‘with the whole throat’
The characteristic common to all languages is the absence of the determinant. This phenomenon proofs the loss of referential properties. The semantic format associated with this configuration is as follows:
(46) Semantic Format V
a. Semantics:“Manner_intensifying”
b. Syntactic template:IT: i.  [a tutto/a + N1 [act | attribute]]

  ii.  [a tutto/a + N1 [concrete noun_device]]

  iii. [a tutto/a + N1 [body part]]
FR: i.  [a tout/e + N1 [act | attribute]]

  ii.  [a tout/e + N1 [concrete noun_device]]

  iii. [a tout/e + N1 [body part]]
SP: i.  [a todo/a + N1 [act | attribute]]

  ii.  [a todo/a + N1 [concrete noun_device]]

  iii. [a todo/a + N1 [body part]]

7.3 Semantic formats VI-VII: temporal and spatial progression

The configuration [di N1in N1] conveys two different sets of meaning. On the one hand it can reveal a temporal dimension of an event, while on the other hand it describes a spatial dimension.

As for the first semantics, the configuration can describe the temporal progression (47) or the frequency of an event (48).

(47) di dì in dì ‘day by day’, di giorno in giorno ‘day by day’, di minuto in minuto ‘minute by minute’, di volta in volta ‘time by time’, di momento in momento ‘moment by moment’, di anno in anno ‘year by year’, di ora in ora ‘hour by hour’, di attimo in attimo ‘instant by instant’
(48)di tanto in tanto ‘now and again’, di quando in quando ‘occasionally’

While the first configuration is partially open to variation, the one in (48) is no longer productive in Italian. The configuration in (47) implies strong restrictions on the N1 involved in the configuration, since it has to denote time measurement units. On the other hand, there are no particular restrictions on verbs, which are generally durative and denote an increasing event (e.g. crescere ‘to grow’, aumentare ‘to increase’, dilatarsi ‘to dilate’).

(49)IT:[[di + N1[time unit]] [in + N1[time unit]]]
digiornoingiorno
ofdayinday
‘day by day’
(50)FR:[[de + N1[time unit]] [en + N1[time unit]]]
dejourenjour
ofhourinhour
‘hour by hour’
(51)SP:[[de + N1 [time unit]] [en + N1 [time unit]]]
dedíaendía
ofdayinday
‘day by day’

The semantic formats associated this meanings is the following:

(52) Semantic Format VI
a. Semantics:“Temporal Progression”
b. Syntactic template:IT: [di + N1 [time unit]] [in + N1 [time unit]]
FR: [de + N1 [time unit]] [en + N1 [time unit]]
SP: [de + N1 [time unit]] [en + N1 [time unit]]
As far as the second semantic field is concerned, the configuration is used to describe the gradual movement from a place to another. The reduplication of N1 and the correlative structure give to the Multiword Adverb configuration a reiterative value.
(53) di bocca in bocca ‘from one mouth to another’, di mano in mano ‘from one hand to another’, di porta in porta ‘from one door to another’, di opera in opera ‘from one work to another’.
These configurations usually combine with process verbs (in particular verbs of movement) and they are composed of an N1 denoting a place or a part of a place which is – ideally or materially – delimited (namely concrete nouns, places or body parts expressing a spatial value through metonymic mechanisms or event nouns). Even if the configuration is strictly fixed in terms of syntactic distribution of its singular components, it is very productive since the paradigmatic range of N1 is extremely extended. The configuration is very productive in other Romance languages, too:
(54)IT:[[di + N1 [PLACE]] [in + N1 [PLACE]]]
dicasaincasa
ofhouseinhouse
‘from one house to another’
FR:[[de + N1 [PLACE]] [en + N1 [PLACE]]]
demaisonenmaison
ofhouseinhouse
‘from one house to another’
SP:[[de + N1 [PLACE]] [en + N1 [PLACE]]]
decasaencasa
ofhouseinhouse
‘from one house to another’
(55)IT:[[di + N1[event]] [in + N1[event]]]
disconfittainsconfitta
ofdefeatindefeat
‘from one defeat to another’
FR:[[de + N1[event]] [en + N1[event]]]
dedéfaiteendéfaite
ofdefeatindefeat
‘from one defeat to another’
SP:[[de + N1[event]] [en + N1[event]]]
dederrotaenderrota
ofdefeatindefeat
‘from one defeat to another’
(56)IT:[[di + N1 [concrete object]] [in + N1 [concrete object]]]
dilibroinlibro
ofbookinbook
‘from one book to another’
FR:[[de + N1 [concrete object]] [en + N1 [concrete object]]]
delivreenlivre
ofbookinbook
‘from one book to another’
SP:[[de + N1 [concrete object]] [en + N1 [concrete object]]]
delibroenlibro
ofbookinbook
‘from one book to another’
IT:[[di + N1[BODY PART]] [in + N1 [BODY PART]]]
dimanoinmanodiboccainbocca
ofhandinhandofmouthinmouth
‘from one hand to another’‘from one mouth to another’
FR:[[de + N1[BODY PART]] [en + N1 [BODY PART]]]
demainenmaindeboucheenbouche
ofhandinhandofmouthinmouth
‘from one hand to another’‘from one mouth to another’
SP:[[de + N1[BODY PART] ] [en + N1 [BODY PART]]]
demanoenmanodebocaenboca
ofhandinhandofmouthinmouth
‘from one hand to another’‘from one mouth to another’
The semantic formats associated to the spatial progression is as follows:
(57) Semantic Format VII
a. Semantics:“Spatial Progression”
b. Syntactic template:IT: i.  [di + N1 [PLACE]] [in + N1 [PLACE]]

  ii.  [di + N1 [EVENT]] [in + N1 [EVENT]]

  iii. [di + N1 [CONCRETE OBJECT]] [in + N1 [CONCRETE OBJECT]]

  iv  [di + N1 [BODY PART]] [in + N1 [BODY PART]]
FR: i.  [de + N1 [PLACE]] [en + N1 [PLACE]]

  ii.  [de + N1 [EVENT]] [en + N1 [EVENT]]

  iii. [de + N1 [CONCRETE OBJECT]] [en + N1 [CONCRETE OBJECT]]

  iv [de + N1 [BODY PART]] [en + N1 [BODY PART]]
SP: i.  [de + N1 [PLACE]] [en + N1 [PLACE]]

  ii.  [de + N1 [EVENT]] [en + N1 [EVENT]]

  iii. [de + N1 [CONCRETE OBJECT]] [en + N1 [CONCRETE OBJECT]]

  iv [de + N1 [BODY PART]] [en + N1 [BODY PART]]

8 Mixed Modifiers

Mixed modifiers are MMs having both an adjectival and an adverbial function, depending on the syntagmatic context. Even if not as frequent as the former two groups of MMs, they are an expanding class in contemporary Italian, whose productivity and diffusion are definitely increasing.

8.1 Semantic format VIII–IX: temporary state

Italian shows specific configurations entailing a temporary state (Simone 2006a):

(58)N1 [di N2]
medico di turno ‘attending physician’, attore di scena ‘on scene actor’, uomo di guardia ‘guard duty man’.
(59)N1 [in N2]
prezzi in calo ‘decreasing prices’, passeggeri in attesa ‘waiting passengers’, uomo in pantofole ‘man in slippers’.
The two configurations share similar syntactic configurations, but they differ in semantic, functional and distributional properties. On the one hand the nouns (N1 and N2) involved in the configurations are subject to different co-selection restrictions. On the other hand the two types of MMs can perform different functions: constructions with the preposition di can only have an adjectival function, while the sequences built with the preposition in can follow nouns and verbs, having both an adjectival and an adverbial function.

The first one ([di + N2]) originates from predicative sentences with verb essere (‘to be’) and usually combines with N1, denoting a human being (uomo ‘man’, medico ‘physician’, attore ‘actor’) and it requires N2 referring to events (ronda ‘patrol’, servizio ‘duty’, turno 'shift’). As for a comparative analysis, the same configuration is attested in Spanish[33] and French:

(60)IT:[di + N2 [event]]
diturnodiserviziodistagione
ofdutyofserviceofseason
‘on duty’‘on service’‘seasonal’
FR:[de + N2 [event]]
degardedeservicedesaison
ofguardofserviceofseason
‘on guard duty’‘on service’‘seasonal’
SP:[de + N2 [event]]
deguardiadeserviciodeestación
ofguardofserviceofseason
‘on guard duty’‘on service’‘seasonal’
The second configuration is typically associated with N1 denoting human beings (cittadino ‘;citizen’, uomo ‘man’, passeggero ‘passenger’, presidente ‘president’), means (treno ‘train’, automobile ‘car’) or places (appartamento ‘flat’, casa ‘home’, museo ‘museum’, strada ‘road’). As far as N2 is concerned, it is not the manifestation of a characteristic or an intrinsic value of N1, but it indicates a temporary state. In these cases, N2 usually denotes nouns of event (27a). However the preposition can also select N2 denoting a condition or a state (27b) or artifacts (27c). In the latter case, N2 may lose its referentiality and acquire metaphorical meanings.

(61)a.[in + N2 [event]]
N2 [event]{attesa ‘waiting’, circolazione ‘circulation’, stampa ‘press’}
b.[in + N2 [State]]
N2 [State]{libertà ‘freedom’, borghese ‘plain’, vita ‘life’, pericolo ‘danger’, difficoltà ‘difficulty’}
c.[in + N2 [artifact]]
N2 [artifact]{catene ‘chains’, fasce ‘bands’, pantofole 'slippers’, mutande ‘pants’}

In such cases, the entire structure bears aspectual information. The same configurations are attested in Spanish and in French, with a correspondence in prepositions and patterns:

(62)IT:[in + N2 [event]]
incircolazioneinmovimento
incirculationinmovement
‘in circulation’‘on the move’
FR:[en + N2 [event]]
encirculationenmouvement
incirculationinmovement
‘in circulation’‘on the move’
SP:[en + N2 [event]]
encirculaciónenmovimiento
incirculationinmovement
‘in circulation’‘on the move’
(63)IT:[in + N2 [State]]
inibertàindifficoltà
infreedomindifficulty
‘free’‘in diffuculty’
FR:[en + N2 [State]]
enlibertéendifficulté
infreedomindifficulty
‘free’‘in diffuculty’
SP:[en + N2 [State]]
enlibertadendificultad
infreedomindifficulty
‘free’‘in diffuculty’
(64)IT:[in + N2 [artifact]]
inmutandeincamicia
inpantsinshirt
‘in pants’‘in shirt’
FR:[en + N2 [artifact]]
enculotteenchemise
inpantsinshirt
‘in pants’‘in shirt’
SP:[en + N2 [artifact]]
enbragasencamisa
inpantsinshirt
‘in pants‘in shirt’

The semantic format associated with the adjectival function is the following:

(65) Semantic Format VIII
a. Semantics:“Temporary state”
b. Syntactic template:IT: [di N2 [event]]

FR: [de N2 [event]]

SP: [de N2 [event]]

The semantic format associated with both adjectival and adverbial functions is the following:

(66) Semantic Format IX
a. Semantics:“Temporary state”
b. Syntactic template:IT: [in N2 [event | state | artifact]]

FR: [en N2 [event | state | artifact]]

SP: [en N2 [event | state | artifact]]

9 Conclusion

Predictable MMs are governed by co-selection rules which are strictly connected to the syntactic configuration and to the preposition involved. All Romance languages considered show a regular use of an analytical resource (MMs structured as prepositional phrases) in adjectival or adverbial function. Some of these sequences are system resources, while others are created ad hoc in the discourse.

The Romance languages considered share the same semantic patterns and similar syntactic templates. This happens also in other languages: for example, Multiword Adverbs and Mixed Modifiers also occur in English. However no similar regularities are there in English for some Multiword Adjectives, and in particular for the semantic format of “shape”, which is typically realised as a monorhematic adjective and not as a prepositional phrase (cf. examples in §6.1).

MMs of this kind seem therefore to be a phenomenon which is peculiar to Romance languages (cf. Piunno 2013). The general common feature of Romance languages being the progression to analyticity, the transition from synthetic to analytic clearly affected mechanisms of word formation (cf. Bally 1963 [1950]; Frei 1969 [1929]). It is worth noting here that this kind of mechanisms should be analysed not only from a synchronic point of view, but also from a diachronic one. The diachronic point of view could explain processes of formation of configurations which are no more productive in contemporary languages, but which just remain as isolate instantiations of semantic formats. The analytical process creating MMs from nouns appears already embedded in the first stages of Romance languages (Piunno & Ganfi 2014).[34]

The peculiarity of Romance languages lies, indeed, in the fact that they have exploited prepositions as resources to create new lexemes (Mejri 2004, 2007). This types of Multiword units may function as derivational suffixes where proper suffixes may not be admitted or may not exist: this is the case of the sequences viaggio per mare 'sea travel’ or albero in fiore ‘tree in blossom’, which have been described in Bally as a general procedure for the creation of new adjectival constructions (1963 [1950]: 293). Such analytical resources are therefore parallel – although only partially overlap – to the derivational system of suffixes. Thus, syntax operates besides morphology in word formations processes (Piunno 2013, 2015): the more a multiword configuration is schematised, the more productive a constructional schema (cf. Piunno and Ganfi 2014). Since frequent patterns are more predictable than others, they may require a little effort to be memorized: as a consequence, the less is the variability, the major the linguistic economy (Frei 1969 [1929]).

This provides relevant information and new research directions for synchronic and diachronic comparative analyses on the syntactic and semantic nature of MMs in the Romance family.

Abbreviations
3Sg

3rd person singular

Adj

adjective

Adv

adverb

Conj

conjunction

Det

determiner

Ger

gerundive

Inf

infinitive

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Published Online: 2016-10-27
Published in Print: 2016-10-1

©2016 Walter de Gruyter GmbH, Berlin/Boston

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