Abstract
Purpose
Though prior research has established the separate effects of romantic relationships and immigrant status on offending, few studies have combined these areas to assess how immigrant status may condition the effect of romantic relationships on crime. Further, fewer studies strive to uncover the potential mechanisms of the relationship effect.
Methods
Using data from the Pathways to Desistance study, this study examined the effects of relational quality, monitoring, and tolerance of deviance on later offending and if these effects differed among first-generation, second-generation, and native-born youth.
Results
While tolerance of deviance and monitoring were found to predict decreased offending among the second-generation and native-born youth, only tolerance of deviance predicted decreased offending for the first-generation youth.
Conclusions
Although there were no meaningful differences between the second-generation and native-born youth with respect to desistance mechanisms, relational monitoring was not associated with desistance among the first-generation youth. Relational quality was not associated with desistance for any subgroup. These findings have important implications for social control theories and suggest individual differences such as immigrant status may condition the effects of social bonds on offending. Potential cultural differences such as “familismo” may help explain these effects and are worthy of further consideration.
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Notes
Marital attachment refers to the general relationship between an individual and their spouse as well as their attitudes regarding marital responsibility ([2]:144; also [21]). Others have extended this definition and included additional relationship elements such as satisfaction, trust, and warmth (see [22]).
Scholars differ on how they operationalize desistance with some measuring it as cessation of offending, while others focus on the process of decreased offending over time [68, 69]. Laub and Sampson [69] separated termination from the desistance process, and it is this process that we are interested in. Data limitations preclude us from examining desistance as termination though this is an important point for future research.
To be included in the analyses, each case had to have been in a relationship at least once during a recall period; otherwise these data were missing for that case. Among the first-generation immigrants, 53 individuals had been in a romantic relationship at least once, representing 91% of all first-generation immigrants in the current sample. Further, 94% (n = 178) of the second-generation immigrants had been in a romantic relationship at least once, and 91% (n = 1012) of the native-born youth had been in a romantic relationship at least once. The final subsamples used in the analyses were reduced further due to cases missing data on other variables. Analyses for missing data revealed offending variety, ethnic identity, neighborhood disadvantage, and street time that were either missing completely at random or missing at random.
The large majority of the samples (86.41%) were male. The modal racial/ethnic group was Black (41.43%), while 33.33% were Hispanic/Latino, 20.24% were White, and 4.8% was of another race/ethnicity.
A Hausman specification test was calculated for each of the three relational dimension variables. In each test, the null hypothesis was rejected indicating that the fixed effects model would produce an improved model fit than a model allowing for the relationship dimension to have a random effect.
The correlations with the control variables were also calculated and multicollinearity did not appear to be an issue as all correlations were less than r = 0.35.
Some readers may be concerned about the relatively small subsample of first-generation immigrants (n = 53). Our power analysis indicated that a sample size of n = 38 would be required to detect statistically significant effects based upon our proposed model. Thus our sample size is sufficient in order to detect statistically significant differences. It is still a limitation, however, that the current study may not be able to detect smaller effect sizes which is an important point for future research. Nonetheless, we also estimated supplemental analyses that combined the first- and second-generation youth into a larger subsample (n = 231). These results were substantively the same as the second-generation immigrant subsample and are available upon request from the first author.
A reviewer suggested assessing for potential differences in family attachment between the three generation groups. While we were unable to add these variables to the regression models due to power issues, we did calculate several one-way ANOVAs to assess the differences between each group on three family attachment measures: maternal and paternal hostility and parental monitoring. Specifically, first-generation immigrant youth were significantly more likely to have more parental monitoring and significantly less likely to have a father demonstrate hostility (the effect for the mother’s hostility was in the same direction but did not emerge as statistically significant). Taken together, these results support our argument that there are potentially relevant cultural differences across the generations that may help explain the differences in relationship characteristics. These supplemental analyses are available upon request.
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Craig, J.M., Guerra, C. & Piquero, A.R. Immigrant Status, Offending, and Desistance: Do Relationship Characteristics Matter?. J Dev Life Course Criminology 6, 67–94 (2020). https://doi.org/10.1007/s40865-019-00133-4
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s40865-019-00133-4