Abstract
This essay examines the transnational racial and ethnic politics of Marie Arana’s American Chica and Braulio Muñoz’s The Peruvian Notebooks, two literary writings that feature characters who navigate Peruvian, US American, and Latinx connections. As each text’s characters migrate between Peru and the United States, they perform a range of regional, ethnic, and cultural identities that are circumscribed within US American and Peruvian national markers, and in so doing, they expose the myth of national homogeneity. I utilize performance as a theoretical lens through which to examine, first, characters’ transmissions of multiple identities and embodied conflicts and, second, an understanding of ethnic and racial categories as constructed. I investigate the extent to which performativity can function as a space through which to explore alternatives to the otherness that is imposed on transnational subject positions that challenge the boundaries of Latinidad.
Resumen
Este ensayo examina la política transnacional, racial y étnica de American Chica de Marie Arana y The Peruvian Notebooks de Braulio Muñoz, dos obras literarias cuyos protagonistas navegan por conexiones peruanas, norteamericanas y latinas. A medida que los personajes de cada texto migran entre Perú y los Estados Unidos, desempeñan una serie de identidades regionales, étnicas y culturales circunscritas dentro de los marcadores nacionales de la identidad norteamericana de Estados Unidos y la peruana y, al hacerlo, revelan el mito de la homogeneidad nacional. Utilizo la performatividad como lente teórico por el cual se puede examinar, primero, las transmisiones de múltiples identidades de los personajes y sus conflictos personificados y segundo, una compresión de las categorías étnicas y raciales según construidas. Investigo hasta qué punto la performatividad puede funcionar como un espacio por el cual se pueden explorar alternativas a la otredad impuesta sobre las posiciones de sujeto transnacionales que desafían los límites de la latinidad.
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Notes
I use the term “Latinx” throughout this essay in order to engage with the expansiveness and inclusivity of this linguistic signifier. My use of this term intentionally invokes its challenging of reductive binaries and its attempt to recognize the intersecting identities of the subjects it serves to identify. In addition to viewing the “x” as a disruption of gender binaries, I echo Ed Morales’s argument in his 2018 book, Latinx, to also emphasize that “Latinx” may serve to counter and destabilize discourses of race, specifically the persisting reliance in the US on a black-white binary. I maintain the use of other varieties of Latinx (such as Latina, Latino, and Latino/a) as they appear in the texts that I cite or reference.
This study recognizes the foundational work on the nation-state and national identity that troubles the usage of national categories, given the differences that mark the multiple constituencies that make up the so-called nation-state (see, for example, García Canclini 2014; Grewal 2005; and Socolovsky 2013; among many others). Still, I use the terms “US American” and “Peruvian” in order to mimic, problematize, and trouble their usage within the two literary texts that I analyze.
Taylor borrows from Guillermo Gómez-Peña to describe performance as “an existential condition. An ontology” (2016, p. 5). She synthesizes multiple definitions of performance to suggest its function as “a practice and an epistemology, a creative doing, a methodological lens, a way of transmitting memory and identity, and a way of understanding the world” (p. 39). Her study cites Jesús Martín Barbero, who views performance studies as “a theoretical, methodological, and strategic space in which to think through the multiplicities of conflicts that traverse the body” (qtd. in Taylor 2016, p. 202).
According to de la Cadena, even Andean intellectuals in Peru who were active supporters of the national project of indigenismo distanced themselves from mestizos by highlighting the latter’s immorality and lack of education and disregarding the former’s phenotypic features, in this way “[distinguiendo] a los intelectuales de piel marrón de los cholos ignorantes” (2014, p. 71). While de la Cadena’s analysis shows that attitudes towards mestizaje have changed over time, she argues that, still, they remain ambivalent at best (she juxtaposes, for example, the support of a national project of mestizaje by the APRA [Alianza Popular Revolucionaria Americana] political party in the 1940s, and indigenista writer José María Arguedas’s critique of “amestizamiento” during the same decade) (2014, pp. 78–80).
Oboler also demonstrates how the meaning of cholo has changed over time in Peru (2005). She identifies the “growth of the indigenous migrant population in Lima over the past thirty years … their development and control of the informal market, and … the rise of a ‘cholo bourgeoisie” as factors that contribute to the current perception of cholos as hard-working (2005, pp. 80, 82). Still, Oboler writes, though cholos are “no longer so readily perceived to be ‘involved in those things,’ such as drugs, … the television and newspaper images and accounts often seem to point to the contrary” (2005 p. 82).
See No soy tu cholo (Avilés 2017); De dónde venimos los cholos (Avilés 2016); the write-up of his lecture given at the University of Maine, “Cholo in Peru, Latino in the United States” (Bradenday 2017); and his interview on Lima’s local television show, La voz del 21, on racism in Peru (Racismo en el Perú. nd).
Avilés opens his collection of vignettes about racism in Peru and the United States, No soy tu cholo, by recalling a conversation he had with a Mexican friend in Maine. Avilés’s friend questions the author’s self-proclamation as “cholo,” since, according to the former, “se llama cholos a cierto tipo de gángsteres jóvenes mal vestidos con pantalones anchos y collares llamativos,” a description that does not fit the Peruvian Avilés (2017, p. 42). Here, Avilés speculates about the differences and possible confluences of the meaning of “cholo” in Peruvian and Mexican and Mexican American/Chicanx contexts, a complex and fascinating topic that provides fruitful ground for further investigation and analysis. See McGee—who, broadly, defines cholismo as “a working-class youth subculture that developed in the Chicano and Mexican neighborhood of Los Angeles during the 1960s and then spread to Mexican border cities by the 1970s” (2018, p. 75)—as well as Klahn (1997), Ruiz (2009), and Tabuenca Córdoba (1995, 2003) for studies on the meaning of “cholo” in Mexican and Mexican American historical settings.
Bustamante qtd. in Taylor 2016, from Maris Bustamante, “Picardía Femenina,” https://revista.escaner.cl/node/383.
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Martínez, C. Transgressing twoness: The performative possibilities of Marie Arana’s American Chica and Braulio Muñoz’s The Peruvian Notebooks. Lat Stud 18, 195–217 (2020). https://doi.org/10.1057/s41276-020-00244-w
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/s41276-020-00244-w