Acculturation trajectories differ by youth age at arrival and time in residency among Latino immigrant families in a US emerging immigrant context

Abstract

The present study was designed to examine acculturation trajectories of first-generation, Latino immigrant youth and their parents in an emerging immigrant context. We also examined whether acculturation trajectories differed between families with youth who migrated at different stages of development and who have spent differential amounts of time in the United States (US). A community sample of 217 immigrant families in western Oregon was purposely sampled according to youths’ age at arrival and time in US residency (TR) and assessed three times over a 3-year period. Families were stratified into three TR groups: TR1 = 2–4 years spent in the US; TR2 = 6–8 years spent in the US; and TR3 = 10–12 years. Parents and youth in each TR group completed measures assessing their acculturation to US American and Latino culture. Results from multiple-group latent growth models showed that acculturation trajectories differed for both youth and parents depending on the TR group. Moreover, both youth and their parents within each TR group differed in their acculturation trajectories. Overall, although youth slowly gravitated toward biculturalism over time, their parents remained relatively separated such that they reported high endorsement of their heritage culture and low endorsement of US culture over time. Findings are discussed in terms of prior research and theory.

Introduction

As Latino immigrant families arrive in the United States (US), they inevitably undergo an adaptation process of acculturation. Acculturation formally refers to “those phenomena which result when groups of individuals having different cultures come into continuous first-hand contact, with subsequent changes in the original culture patterns of either or both groups” (Redfield, Linton, & Herskovits, 1936, p. 149). Research increasingly indicates how the context in which immigrants resettle matters in understanding acculturation, where wide variation in receiving contexts can drastically impact their adaptation experiences (Cobb, Martinez, Garcia Isaza, McClure, & Eddy, in press; Schwartz et al., 2014). Studies have also suggested that age at migration and time spent within a resettlement context may impact how acculturation unfolds. Developmental approaches to acculturation suggest that immigrants who migrate at earlier ages may acculturate at faster rates than those who migrate later in life, and immigrants who have resided in the US for longer periods of time may demonstrate greater acculturation due to prolonged exposure to the behaviors, values, and customs of a destination culture (e.g., Cheung, Chudek, & Heine, 2011; Cuellar, Bastida, & Braccio, 2004; Martinez, McClure, Eddy, & Wilson, 2011; Stevens, 2006; Titzmann & Lee, 2018). These findings underscore the need to consider context, time spent within a context, and age at migration in understanding acculturation.

Despite significant variation in receiving contexts, most acculturation research has taken place in traditional contexts (e.g., California, Texas, Florida) where communities and states have a long history of receiving and accommodating Latino immigrants (Radford & Noe-Bustamante, 2019). In contrast, little research, primarily studies assessing acculturation trajectories, has been conducted in emerging immigrant contexts (e.g., Oregon, Washington, Georgia) that have had little presence of Latino immigrants but are now receiving an influx (Pew Research Center, 2016). As a result, much of what is known about acculturation stems from research conducted among Latino immigrants in traditional immigrant states as opposed to emerging states where their experiences are vastly different. This raises concerns vis-à-vis the generalizability of acculturation processes to Latino immigrants in emerging contexts. Further, most acculturation research does not consider how both developmental (age at migration) and acculturative (time spent in a destination context) processes work together to impact how acculturation unfolds.

In the present study, we address these gaps in the literature by examining acculturation trajectories among first generation, Latino immigrant families in western Oregon – an emerging immigrant context. Specifically, we examine whether three groups of immigrant families that differ according to their early adolescents’ age at migration and time in US residency vary in their acculturation trajectories. We also consider how immigrant parents and their children within each group differ in their acculturation trajectories. We begin by conceptualizing acculturation as a developmental process and then discuss how age at migration, time spent in the United States, and immigrants’ context of reception might inform the acculturation process.

Early acculturation models approached cultural change as a unidimensional process that assumed immigrants’ adoption of the destination culture meant simultaneous renouncement of their heritage culture (Gordon, 1964). However, such conceptualizations run in contrast to immigrants’ lived experiences such that large proportions of immigrants are bicultural – they strongly endorse both the destination culture and their heritage cultures (Nguyen & Benet-Martínez, 2013). Unlike unidimensional models, bidimensional models consider heritage and destination cultures as independent dimensions (Berry, 2017). That is, immigrants may adopt aspects of the destination culture while retaining aspects of their heritage culture and vice versa.

Acculturation also takes place across multiple domains. Specifically, both heritage- and destination-cultural streams consist of multiple content domains including but not limited to behavioral practices and preferences; cultural identifications; values; and cultural knowledge (Schwartz, Unger, Zamboanga, & Szapocznik, 2010). Acculturation domains tend to be interrelated but may still be independent dimensions (Schwartz et al., 2011). For example, Latino immigrant youth who have spent most of their life in the United States may lose proficiency in their native tongue but still identify strongly with their ethnic background. In the present study, we use a bidimensional, multi-domain approach to acculturation where heritage and destination cultural streams are considered independent dimensions that consist of multiple content domains.

A persistent problem in much acculturation research is failure to consider the interplay between developmental and acculturation processes (Titzmann & Lee, 2018). For immigrant samples, especially immigrant youth, age-typical development co-occurs with time in residency, and both processes can shape their acculturation trajectories (Michel, Titzmann, & Silbereisen, 2012). From a developmental perspective, age at migration and time in US residency are proxies for developmental and acculturative processes, respectively. Whereas age at migration may serve as a proxy for developmental period and associated tasks, time spent in the United States may serve as a proxy for acculturative changes such as sociocultural learning associated with exposure to the practices, norms, and values of US society (Jugert & Titzmann, 2017; Titzmann & Lee, 2018). Failure to attend to both processes impedes a deeper understanding of how acculturation unfolds and could result in erroneous conclusions (Oppedal, 2006).

When studying age, age at migration, and length of residency, it is important to note that these variables are linearly dependent, that is, one can be calculated from the other two (Stevens, 2006). Such linear dependence makes it difficult to disentangle empirically the unique contributions of each process to acculturation, particularly because these processes tend to co-occur. In the present study, we do not seek to determine which factor, age at migration or time in residency, is most predictive of Latino immigrants’ acculturation trajectories. Rather, we consider both processes together by assessing whether early adolescent youth who arrived at different developmental periods, and thus who have spent differential times in US residency, vary in their acculturation trajectories.

Because parents and youth can strongly influence one another’s cultural orientations through ethnic socialization processes, and because acculturation gaps between parents and their children can lead to adverse outcomes, we also consider acculturation trajectories of parents. Indeed, research has consistently shown that parents and youth can reciprocally influence on another’s cultural orientations such that parents often encourage their children to retain and stay close to their Latino cultural heritage, particularly as youth tend to increasingly adopt aspects of the destination culture to fit in with peers and navigate school contexts (Birman, 2006; Perez‐Brena, Updegraff, & Umaña‐Taylor, 2015). When parents and their children take on significantly different acculturation trajectories, this can result in an acculturation discrepancy that has been linked to lower life satisfaction, family conflict poor parent-child relationships, and youth behavioral problems (e.g., Dinh & Nguyen, 2006; Lau et al., 2005; Schofield, Parke, Kim, & Coltrane, 2008; Tardif & Geva, 2006). Thus, it is important to consider how youth and parents might differ in their acculturation trajectories.

According to life-course theory (Elder, 1998, p. 3), “the developmental impact of a succession of life transitions or events is contingent on when they occur in a person’s life.” Accordingly, it is expected that acculturation trajectories may vary by the developmental stage at which immigrants arrive at a destination country (Titzmann & Silbereisen, 2012). In fact, evidence consistently suggests the presence of sensitive developmental periods in which humans are especially likely to acquire certain acculturation-related skills and perform age-typical tasks.

For example, there is strong evidence for a sensitive period of language acquisition – an important acculturation domain. Specifically, one’s ability to acquire various facets of language such as grammar, syntax, and phonetics weakens with age, and this is true of both first and second language acquisition (Cheung et al., 2011; Johnson & Newport, 1989; Mayberry, 1993; Stevens, 1999). Research has shown that youth who migrate prior to adolescence shift their language preference to the second-language significantly sooner than youth who migrate at later ages (Jia & Aaronson, 2003; Titzmann & Lee, 2018). These findings suggest that there are certain maturational constraints, at least to some degree, that predispose younger immigrant youth to learn a second language more rapidly than older youth.

In addition, research suggests that youth who migrate at an earlier age tend to identify more strongly with the new destination culture relative to youth who migrated at later ages. For instance, Minoura (1992) found that Japanese youth who migrated to the United states prior to age 15 reported that American experiences felt more natural compared to youth who migrated at an older age. Similarly, Tsai, Ying, and Lee (2000) found that Chinese youth who migrated to the United States prior to age 12 more strongly identified with US culture compared to youth who migrated after the age of twelve. Further, Cheung et al. (2011) found that stronger identification with the destination culture was more likely among Chinese immigrants who were exposed to Canadian culture at a young age. This set of findings suggests that the earlier youth arrive at the United States, the stronger their identification with US culture should be.

Based on evidence for a sensitive developmental period of acculturation, it can be expected that parents of immigrant youth who migrated as adults will experience significantly fewer acculturative changes than their children. These expectations are based on the premise that immigrants who migrated as adults underwent their sensitive period of language acquisition and cultural identification in their countries of origin, thus making it more probable that they will hold strongly to their heritage culture and less probable that they will adopt US culture to the same degree (or as rapidly) as their children.

Just as age at migration impacts the degree and pace of immigrant acculturation, there is also evidence that length of residency may also shape the acculturation of immigrant families (Cuellar et al., 2004; Martinez, McClure, Eddy, & Wilson, 2011), especially for youth. The longer immigrants spend in a destination country, the more likely they are to receive exposure to the language, values, and cultural practices of the host society. Such prolonged exposure to a destination county is associated with sociocultural learning and often results in increased second language proficiency and identification with the host culture (e.g., Carhill, Suárez-Orozco, & Páez, 2008; Chiswick & Miller, 2001; Jia & Aaronson, 2003). Increased time in US residency may also contribute to maintenance of and, in some cases, stronger identification with one’s cultural heritage due to coping with stressful processes such as discrimination. Indeed, strong affiliation with one’s group facilitates a sense of belonging, self-esteem, and feelings of personal control when facing discrimination in unwelcoming contexts (Branscombe, Schmitt, & Harvey, 1999; Greenaway et al., 2015). These findings suggest that sociocultural learning, as well as ongoing stress and coping processes, may shape acculturation for immigrants who have spent differential amounts of times in a host country.

However, as noted earlier, relatively little acculturation research considers the interplay between developmental and acculturative processes such as age at migration and length in residency (Titzmann & Lee, 2018). This is important as research has indicated that both processes are critical to understanding how acculturation unfolds for immigrant populations. For example, among Chinese immigrants in Canada, Cheung et al. (2011) found that length in residency was positively related to higher identification with Canadian culture for younger ages at migration but not for later ages at migration. This finding demonstrates the importance of considering both developmental and acculturative processes: Immigrants tend to identify more strongly with a host culture the longer they are exposed to it (length in residency), but only if such exposure transpires when they are relatively young (age at migration; Cheung et al., 2011).

Developmental and acculturation processes cannot be examined without consideration of the immigrant’s context of reception in which they occur. Context of reception refers to “the opportunity structure, degree of openness versus hostility, and acceptance in the local community” (Schwartz et al., 2014, p. 2). Most of what we know about acculturation among Latino immigrants comes from research conducted in traditional immigrant contexts where acculturation processes may occur differently compared to emerging contexts (Cobb et al., in press). For example, in traditional contexts where heritage culture communities are highly-developed, Latino immigrant families generally settle in ethnic enclaves (e.g., Miami, Los Angeles, Houston) where they interact regularly. Residing in such enclaves provides a sense of cultural continuity and preserves cognitive schemata within Latino immigrants because they reproduce the sights, sounds, tastes, smells, and feelings of immigrants’ homelands (Falicov, 2013). In this sense, retention of one’s heritage culture is not only easier, it may be considered as important as adoption of the destination culture (Schwartz et al., 2014). Studies examining acculturation trajectories among Latino immigrant youth have consistently confirmed that most immigrant youth in traditional contexts increase in both their heritage and destination culture orientations over time (Knight et al., 2009; Schwartz et al., 2013, 2015).

In contrast to traditional contexts, demands upon Latino immigrants in emerging contexts can be high due to limited Spanish language support and greater social-structural challenges, most notably few established ethnic enclaves and weak infrastructure to support arriving immigrants (Cobb et al., in press; Martinez, McClure, & Eddy, 2009). In these environments, youth may feel pressured to acculturate more rapidly because they must interact daily with a largely Anglo context (school systems, peers, community networks) where “being Latino” is more difficult due to significant cultural differences (Schwartz et al., 2010). Similarly, it may be more difficult for parents in emerging contexts to limit their involvement with the mainstream culture because they reside in an environment where they must interact regularly with destination culture individuals (work, stores, schools). However, it is possible that some Latino immigrants may hold strongly to their heritage-cultural orientations in emerging contexts because strong affiliation with one’s group facilitates a sense of protection against discrimination in unwelcoming environments (Branscombe et al., 1999; Greenaway et al., 2015).

Because research on acculturation among Latinos in traditional contexts with established immigrant communities may fail to reflect the acculturation experiences of immigrants in emerging contexts (Martinez, 2006), in the present study, we focus specifically on identifying the acculturation trajectories of Latino immigrant parents and their youth in Oregon. Oregon is one of 22 emerging immigrant state that has only recently begun receiving an influx of Latino immigrants, which now constitute approximately 13.4 % of the population (United States Census Bureau, 2020). With the passage of the Immigration Reform and Control Act in the 1980s, which had a Seasonal Agricultural Worker (SAW) provision that provided a pathway to legal status for millions of farmworkers, there were significant influxes in the Oregon Latino population because of (a) direct adjustment of workers through SAW, and (b) a related provision that permitted family reunification through allowing these workers to apply for residency status of family members. Since the 1990s, the number of immigrants in Oregon have tripled because Latino immigrants, mostly Mexican, were relocating from traditional immigrant settlement states to search for jobs, more affordable housing, safe neighborhoods, and good schools that were becoming harder to find in metropolitan areas in traditional settlement states, such as California and Texas (Gonzales-Berry & Mendoza, 2010; Martinez, McClure, & Eddy, 2008).

In the present study, we examine the acculturation trajectories of first-generation Latino immigrant families in an emerging immigrant context by considering how both age at migration and length in residency operate together to impact the acculturation trajectories of adolescent youth and their parents. Our study addresses multiple gaps in the literature by: (a) examining acculturation trajectories in a novel and understudied immigrant context; (b) determining whether immigrants at varying stages of adaptation exhibit different acculturation trajectories; and (c) considering how Latino parents and their children differ in their acculturation trajectories.

Specifically, we assess how three groups of immigrant families that were purposefully sampled according to their early adolescent youths’ time in US residency (TR), and thus their age at migration, differ in their acculturation trajectories. These three groups were: (TR1) youth with 2–4 years in the United States, average age of arrival was 11.1 years; (TR2) youth with 6–8 years in the United States, average age of arrival was 7.0 years; and (TR3) youth with 10–12 years in the United States, average age of arrival was 2.7 years. The basis for this grouping is we wanted to ensure that groups of immigrant early adolescent youth varied in their time in US residency due to having migrated at distinct developmental periods. We selected not to sample adolescents who were in their first two years of residency given that this is an adjustment period of significant acute stress. In addition, to ensure that TR groups were clearly differentiated, we separated groups by a one-year gap according to their time in residency.¹

Based on prior theory and research (see Titzmann & Lee, 2018), we hypothesized that youth in the TR1 group who migrated during early adolescence and who have spent the least amount of time in US residency would report the highest orientation toward Latino culture and the lowest orientation toward Anglo culture at baseline. We hypothesized that youth in the TR2 group who migrated during middle childhood and who have spent moderate amounts of time in US residency would report the second highest orientation toward Latino and Anglo culture at baseline. We hypothesized that youth in the TR3 group who migrated during early childhood as toddlers and who have spent the most time in US residency would report the highest orientation toward Anglo culture and the lowest orientation toward Latino culture at baseline. Because all youth resided in immigrant families where Latino culture has been present since birth, and thus constituted their first cultural orientation, we hypothesized that all three groups would report higher Latino than Anglo orientations at baseline and across time. Moreover, although we could not make predictions regarding youths’ specific slopes, we expected that youth in all three groups would gravitate toward biculturalism given that they resided in a largely Anglo context during the sensitive acculturation period outlined earlier. Finally, because parents migrated later in life as adults, we hypothesized that parents of youth in all three TR groups would report significantly higher Latino than Anglo orientation at baseline and across time. Similar to youth, we did not advance a priori hypotheses regarding their specific slopes.