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The Maubara fort, a relic of eighteenth-century local autonomy and Dutch–Portuguese rivalry on Timor
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 06 June 2019
Abstract
The European rivals for colonial domination on the island of Timor in the eighteenth century relied on alliances with the many Timorese principalities for influence outside their own small settlements; the Dutch at Kupang and the Portuguese at Lifau. The central Timorese principality of Maubara sought an alliance with the Dutch in 1755, resulting in the building there of a Dutch fort a few years later. The Dutch had hoped that this alliance would facilitate extension of their authority in the eastern districts. However, the Portuguese moved their capital to Dili in 1769 and Maubara was soon surrounded by Portuguese allies. The Dutch continued to supply Maubara with sporadic support, but finally surrendered it to the Portuguese in 1861. This article examines the Dutch claim to Maubara, the circumstances surrounding the erection of the fort, and the reasons for its later abandonment to the Portuguese.
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- Copyright © The National University of Singapore 2019
Footnotes
The author would like to thank the anonymous reviewers whose comments and suggestions greatly improved the quality of the article.
References
1 Place names are presented in the archives with a great variety of spelling. Modern equivalents are used for all place names in this article.
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20 All European traders other than the Dutch were excluded from Makassar from 1668, so there was no going back.
21 Hägerdal, Lords of the land, pp. 141, 169–72.
22 ‘Mossel XVIII. 31 Dec. 1753’, in Generale missiven van gouverneurs-generaal en raden aan Heren XVII der Verenigde Oostindisch Compagnie. Deel XII: 1750–1755, ed. J.E. Schooneveld-Oosterling (The Hague: Instituut voor Nederlandse Geschiedenis, 2007), p. 309; De Roo de Alderwerelt, ‘Aanteekeningen’, p. 201.
23 The story is conspicuously absent from Hans Hägerdal's detailed study of Timor from this period, Lords of the land.
24 De Roo van Alderwerelt, ‘Aanteekeningen’, p. 199; Hägerdal, Lords of the land, pp. 241, 327, 370.
25 ‘CMXCVII. Timor. 5 Juni 1756’, in Corpus diplomaticum. Deel 6, ed. F.W. Stapel (’s-Gravenhage: Nijhoff, 1955), pp. 87–106.
26 Heyman, Albertus, De Timor tractaten (1859 en 1893) (Leiden: S.C. van Doesburgh, 1895), pp. 12–13Google Scholar.
27 De Roo van Alderwerelt, ‘Aanteekeningen’, pp. 218–29.
28 Fiedler, Hermann, ‘Hans Albrecht v. Plüskow: Geschichte eines kleinen kontors V.O.C. 1758–1761’, Deutsche Wacht 4 (1931): 31Google Scholar. Fiedler provides no references. While many of his points could be confirmed in the VOC archive during research for this article, the source for this particular information was not found.
29 Mills, J.V., ‘Chinese navigators in Insulinde about A.D. 1500’, Archipel 18 (1979): 85CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
30 de Matos, Artur Teodero, Timor Português, 1515–1769: Contribuição para a sua história (Lisbon: Instituto Histórico Infante Dom Henrique, 1974), pp. 156, 338–9Google Scholar, 368–73; de Castro, Affonso, As possessões Portuguezas na Oceania (Lisbon: Imprensa Nacional, 1867), pp. 225–8Google Scholar. The information for 1733 comes from the latter source. The two lists reproduced there were compiled by governador (governor) Antonio José Teles de Menezes (1768–76) and the words hoje no partido hollandez, ‘now with the Dutch’, next to the entry for Maubara refer to the time of compilation, not 1733. Kammen interprets this differently (Three centuries, pp. 33, 189).
31 The Mardijkers were free ‘natives’ who served with the Dutch military in their own companies throughout the Netherlands Indies. For more about the Mardijkers in general, and the Mardijkers of Timor in particular, see A. Haga, ‘De Mardijkers van Timor’, TBG 27 (1881): 191–294.
32 In Dutch the term means the same as in English, that is, a person who rules in the sovereign's absence. The term's use could indicate that the person referred to was not considered the monarch, but just a representative.
33 ‘Opperhoofd Elias Jacob Beynon to Gouverneur Generaal Jacob Mossel, 15-9-1755’, VOC 8348, Nationaal Archief (NA), The Hague.
34 This abuse was recorded much later; ‘Timor, 1824’, Collectie Schneither, no. 131, NA.
35 ‘Beynon to Mossel, 15-9-1755’, VOC 8348, NA.
36 ‘Opperhoofd Hans Albregt von Plüskow to Gouverneur Generaal Mossel, 7-7-1760’, VOC 8354, NA. The pardau was a silver coin originally minted by the Portuguese at Goa; Instituut voor Nederlandse Geschiedenis (ING), VOC-glossarium: Verklaring van termen, verzameld uit de rijks geschiedkundige publicatiën die betrekking hebben op de Verenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie (Den Haag: ING, 2000), p. 87.
37 ‘Beynon to Mossel, 15-9-1755’, VOC 8348, NA.
38 Fiedler, ‘Hans Albrecht v. Plüskow’, p. 27.
39 The use of this term implies that more than one regent could exist in any single principality, but all were subordinate to the hoofd regent.
40 ‘Von Plüskow to Mossel, 22-7-1758’, VOC 8351, NA.
41 Such arrangements were made not only with relatively simple principalities such as those of Timor; for example, Vos (Gentle Janus, p. 4) cites the case of Palembang, a much larger and wealthier domain in Sumatra, which at around the same time sold tin cheaply to the VOC in return for protection. Although the circumstances were quite different, Vos also interprets this as a tribute relationship.
42 As used here the term koning appears to be equivalent to hoofd regent.
43 The term used in the document is simply tenenty. Elsewhere this appears as tenenti colonel, tanenty cornel and other spellings. The more correct Portuguese tenente coronel is used throughout this article. Since their earliest days on Timor, the Portuguese bestowed noble and military titles on some of their allies, with tenente coronel usually given to ‘executive regents’ (Hägerdal, Lords of the land, p. 319). The Dutch continued the practice, but in the process much of the original Portuguese was corrupted. Thus, the Portuguese title dom (lord, sir) is often presented in Dutch documents as don. The Portuguese names adopted by many of the Timorese are also often rendered in VOC reports with a Dutch equivalent or some other non-Lusophone form.
44 ‘Ordinaire vergadering, 26-12-1758’, VOC 2965, NA.
45 ‘MXVII. Timor. 27 Maart 1759’, in Corpus diplomaticum. Deel 6, ed. Stapel, p. 177. Citing this document Kammen (Three centuries, pp. 44, 191) suggests that Domingos was granted the title tenente coronel by the Dutch whereas the Maubara king was given the title dom. He may be right, but the document merely mentions these people having those titles, not how they got them. Although the Dutch did confer titles on later Maubara rulers, it is likely the ones discussed here were already in use when Pietersz made contact in 1755.
46 The measurements are approximate, as the Dutch voet was similar to, but not exactly the same as the English ‘foot’; Christopher Duffy, Fire and stone: The science of fortress warfare, 1660–1860 (London: Greenhill, 1996), p. 237; ING, VOC-glossarium, p. 122.
47 The term is ambiguous in the context and may mean either stone- or brick-work.
48 ‘Von Plüskow to Mossel, 15-9-1760’, VOC 8354, NA.
49 ‘Von Plüskow to Mossel, 7-6-1760’, VOC 8354, NA; ‘Report from Timor, 16-9-1760’, VOC 2991, NA.
50 The catty is a Chinese unit of weight still used in much of East and Southeast Asia. One catty is about 600 grams; ING, VOC-glossarium, p. 60.
51 ‘Report from Timor, 16-9-1760’, VOC 2991, NA. See also ‘Von Plüskow to Mossel, 15-9-1760’, VOC 8354, NA; ‘Ordinaire vergadering, 29-8-1760’, VOC 2991, NA. In the latter document it is made clear that the Maubara regent was tenente coronel Don Domingos.
52 For more on Paitoko and Maubara's connection to Alor, see Hans Hägerdal, ‘Cannibals and pedlars: Economic opportunities and political alliance in Alor, 1600–1850’, Indonesia and the Malay World 38, 111 (2010): 237; Kammen, Three centuries, p. 27.
53 ‘Report from Timor, 16-9-1760’, VOC 2991, NA.
54 In other documents cited so far Maubara is presented as having only one koning, but in this case people otherwise referred to as regent are also given the title.
55 ‘Von Plüskow to Mossel, 30-9-1761’, VOC 3024, NA. Mossel never read the report, as he died in May 1761.
56 Clark E. Cunningham, ‘People of the dry land: A study of the social organisation of an Indonesian people’ (PhD diss., Oxford University, 1962), pp. 2–3; James J. Fox, ‘The great lord rests at the centre: The paradox of powerlessness in European–Timorese relations’, Canberra Anthropology 5, 2 (1982): 24–6; Andrew McWilliam, ‘From lord of the earth to village head: Adapting to the nation-state in West Timor’, BKI 155, 1 (1999): 129, 131.
57 Ritual speaker Mau Lelo interviewed by David Mearns, Baiquinilau, 13 Nov. 2010; copy of transcript with the author. Also see Kammen, Three centuries, pp. 25–7, 30, 38.
58 Hägerdal, Lords of the land, p. 422.
59 Kammen, Three centuries, p. 191.
60 ‘Opperhoofd Johan ter Herbruggen to Gouverneur Generaal Petrus Albertus van der Parra, 1-6-1762’, VOC 8357, NA. In a VOC report from 1760, a person named Don Susjeeh (spelling unclear) is given the title cornel coning van Maubara (colonel king of Maubara). This may refer to Dom José, but if so his title appears to have been joined confusingly with that of Don Domingos, who is referred to elsewhere in the document as tenente coronel. On the other hand, the designation may be correct, as oral tradition states that Maubara rulers previously bore the title coronel, although no other examples of its use were discovered in the archives during research for this article; ‘Translation of letter from Maubara to Batavia, 9-6-1760’, file no. 3572, Archive of the Governor General and Councillors of the Indies (Asia), the Supreme Government of the Dutch United East India Company and its successors (1612–1811) [hereafter Archive of the Supreme Government], Arsip Nasional Republik Indonesia (ANRI), Jakarta.
61 ‘Translation of letter from Maubara to Batavia, 5-11-1762’, VOC 8357, NA. The same letter appears in file no. 3573, Archive of the Supreme Government, ANRI. Other documents in the latter archive prove that references to Timorese rulers as panghoeloe were not uncommon.
62 ‘Extracts of letters sent from Timor to Batavia, 1762’, VOC 8357, NA.
63 De Roo van Alderwerelt, ‘Aanteekeningen’, pp. 208, 220. The document referred to was not found during the research for this article.
64 Almost without exception, the archives cited in this article for the time he was opperhoofd show von Plüskow's full name as presented here. Later authors have routinely altered his second name to ‘Albrecht’, but there is no known reason why he could not have used the Scandinavian variant ‘Albregt’.
65 Fiedler, ‘Hans Albrecht v. Plüskow’, pp. 31, 33.
66 The exact date is uncertain from the documents examined.
67 Hägerdal, Lords of the land, pp. 388–90.
68 Fiedler, ‘Hans Albrecht v. Plüskow’, p. 31.
69 De Roo van Alderwerelt, ‘Aanteekeningen’, pp. 207–8.
70 Hägerdal, Lords of the land, pp. 395–6.
71 Heyman, De Timor tractaten, pp. 8–9.
72 ‘Gouverneur Generaal van der Parra to the rulers of Maubara, 31-12-1761’, file no. 3589, Archive of the Supreme Government, ANRI. Similar letters to other rulers in Timor and nearby islands appear in the same file. For descriptions of the types of cloth, see ING, VOC-glossarium, pp. 28, 31, 52, 69.
73 ‘Translation of letter from Maubara to Batavia, 23-9-1763’, file no. 3573, Archive of the Supreme Government, ANRI; ING, VOC-glossarium, p. 100.
74 Joanna Barrkman, ‘Entwined: The influence of Indian patola and trade cloths on the ritual practices and textile motifs of the Atoin Meto people of West Timor’ (MA diss., Charles Darwin University, Darwin, 2006), pp. 105–8. Barrkman credits the ‘double ikat’ silk patola as the most prestigious Indian cloth in eastern Indonesia. Patola were presented to other rulers in the Timor region in late 1761, but the textiles gifted to the Maubara regenten were all ‘fine’ or ‘extra fine’ and may have been their textiles of choice.
75 De Roo van Alderwerelt, ‘Aanteekeningen’, p. 209.
76 ‘Ter Herbruggen to van der Parra, 31-8-1764’, VOC 8358, NA. Don Joseph's visit to Kupang and the presents he brought are also recorded in ‘Report from Timor, 31-8-1764’, VOC 3121, NA. There were a variety of Dutch weights known as the pond, each being a bit less than 500 grams; ING, VOC-glossarium, p. 92.
77 A letter sent to Batavia in the name of Don Joseph in 1762, and a probable one from 1760, were discussed earlier.
78 ‘Translation of letter from Maubara to Batavia, 10-8-1764’, VOC 8358, NA. This letter also appears in VOC 3121, NA.
79 ‘Translation of letter from Maubara to Batavia, 9-9-1765’, VOC 3151, NA. The same letter appears in file no. 3573, Archive of the Supreme Government, ANRI.
80 Kammen (Three centuries, pp. 47, 49, 191) acknowledges that little is known about Christian conversions during this period, but claims that at some time the Dutch constructed a large Protestant church west of the fort. It is unclear where Kammen got this information. The existing Catholic church west of the fort is considered to be one of the oldest in Timor-Leste, built by Bishop Medeiros, 1877–97; Luis Filipe F.R. Thomaz, ‘Reconhecimento preliminary património histórico-cultural subsistente em Timor-Leste: Relatória da visita ao territória effectuada em fevereiro de 2000 A.D.’ (Lisbon, 2000. Kevin Sherlock Collection, Darwin), p. 47.
81 Hägerdal, Lords of the land, p. 422. According to Kammen (Three centuries, pp. 45, 174), Dom Caleto Xavier Doutel and the Domingos Samuel Doutel who had served as tenente coronel to Dom José was the same person, that is, Domingos was José’s son, not his brother, as stated in the VOC documents.
82 ‘Statement by Ong Tjailong to Opperhoofd Barend W. Fockens, 1776’, VOC 3465, NA; ‘Report from Kupang to Gouverneur Generaal Jeremias van Riemsdijk, 20-9-1777’, VOC 3493, NA.
83 ‘Extract of letters from Timor to Batavia, 1777’, VOC 3553, NA.
84 Vos, Gentle Janus, pp. 116–17, 208.
85 De Roo van Alderwerelt, ‘Aanteekeningen’, p. 220; Hägerdal, Lords of the land, pp. 402–3.
86 ‘Opperhoofd Timotheus Wanjon to Gouverneur Generaal Willem Arnold Alting, 28-9-1794’, Comité Oost-Indische Handel en Bezittingen, no. 102, NA.
87 Various documents in the Archive of the Supreme Government, ANRI.
88 Steven Farram, ‘Jacobus Arnoldus Haazart and the British interregnum in Netherlands Timor, 1812–1816’, BKI 163, 4 (2007): 465.
89 ‘C. Lambert. Statements from “tolk” A. Muller and Chinese trader/captain, 1812’, Algemeene Secretarie, Arsip Timor, 1616–1890, no. 21, ANRI.
90 The resident performed similar functions to the opperhoofd of the VOC period.
91 ‘Resident Jacob Hazaart to Governador José Pinto, 25-10-1817’, Arsip Timor, 1818, no. 34, ANRI. Transcript provided by Hans Hägerdal.
92 ‘Timor, 1824’, Collectie Schneither, no. 131, NA.
93 Kammen (Three centuries, p. 193) observes that the figure is ‘impossibly high for Maubara alone’, concluding it refers to all the districts the Dutch believed to be subservient to Maubara. In 1862, the population of Maubara was estimated at 3,000 to 4,000; Affonso de Castro, ‘Résumé historique de l'etablissement Portugais à Timor; des usages et coutumes de ses habitants’, TBG 11 (1862): 469.
94 Francis, Emanuel A., ‘Timor in 1831’, Tijdschrift voor Neerlands Indië 1, 1 (1838): 360Google Scholar.
95 Blussé, L. and Gaastra, F., ‘Companies and trade: Some reflections on a workshop and concept’, in Companies and trade: Essays on overseas trading companies during the ancien regime, ed. Blussé, Leonard and Gaastra, Femme (The Hague: Nijhoff, 1981), p. 12CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
96 J.D. Kruseman, ‘Beschrijving van Timor’, De Oosterling 2 (1836): 10.
97 One Singapore newspaper reported the incident taking place at the otherwise unknown ‘Point Mobar’, insisting on this even when a rival newssheet pointed out that there was no such place; Singapore Chronicle and Commercial Register, 19 Nov. and 3 Dec. 1836; Singapore Free Press and Mercantile Advertiser, 1 Dec. 1836. Kammen (Three centuries, p. 53) says the newspapers reported that the Batavia government denied that the ‘natives’ of Maubara were Dutch subjects. It was in fact a newspaper correspondent who made the (incorrect) claim that the Dutch had ‘nothing to do with’ Maubara. The story of the Dutch in Batavia being unsure of the status of Maubara is found in P.J. Veth, ‘Het eiland Timor’, offprint of De Gids 8, 2 (1855): 128–9.
98 Singapore Free Press and Mercantile Advertiser, 1 Dec. 1836.
99 ‘Instructions for sea trip, 20-8-1846’; ‘Report from commander of Doris, 6-10-1846’, Arsip Timor, no. 56, Register der Handelingen en Besluiten van den Resident van Timor, ANRI. Transcript provided by Hans Hägerdal.
100 Kessler, L.W.A., ‘Bijdrage tot de geschiedenis van Nederlandsch Indië. Eene vredesluiting op het eiland Timor en de overgave van het koninkrijk Maubara aan het Portugueesche gouvernement. Fragment uit mijn dagboek’, Tijdschrift voor Nederlandsch Indië 20, 1 (1891): 254Google Scholar; Clarence-Smith, W.G., ‘Planters and smallholders in Portuguese Timor in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries’, Indonesia Circle 57 (1992): 15Google Scholar.
101 Hägerdal, Lords of the land, p. 422. The relationship of Dom Caleto II to the Dom Caleto first reported in 1776 is unclear, although Kammen (Three centuries, p. 174) presents him as a grandson.
102 Veth, ‘Het eiland Timor’, pp. 115–16.
103 A.G. Brouwer, ‘Geheime nota betreffende Timor en in ’t bijzonder betreffende die landen welke de Nederlandsche vlag voeren, 15-8-1849’, DH 731, KITLV, Leiden. The circumstances could not have been wholly satisfying for the Portuguese either, as Brouwer reported that the principalities of Atsabe, Deribate and Leimea were considered subordinate to Maubara even though all three flew the Portuguese flag.
104 Farram, ‘The two Timors’, pp. 42–4.
105 Furber, Rival empires, p. 3.
106 Ricklefs, M.C., A history of modern Indonesia, c.1300 to the present (Houndmills: Macmillan, 1990), p. 125Google Scholar.
107 Kessler, ‘Bijdrage tot de geschiedenis van Nederlandsch Indië’, pp. 254–5.
108 Kammen, Three centuries, pp. 45, 58–9, 194; Hägerdal, Lords of the land, p. 422. Kammen also states that Datoe Lau was Don Karlo's brother, and Mau Lay was most likely an important local Chinese merchant.
109 Ezerman, H.E.K., ‘Timor en onze politieke verhouding tot Portugal sedert het herstel van het Nederlandsch gezag in Oost-Indië’, Koloniaal Tijdschrift 6, 2 (1917): 894Google Scholar.
110 Kessler, ‘Bijdrage tot de geschiedenis van Nederlandsch Indië’, pp. 256–7.
111 Ibid., pp. 258–9.
112 Kammen, Three centuries, pp. 59, 64.
113 Ezerman, ‘Timor’, p. 894.
114 Bello de Almeida, Meio seculo de lutas no ultramar: Subsídios para a história das campanhas do exército Português de terra e mar no seu império colonial (Lisbon: Sociedade de Geografia, 1937), p. 256; Katharine G. Davidson, ‘The Portuguese colonisation of Timor: The final stage, 1850–1912’ (PhD diss., University of New South Wales, Sydney, 1994), pp. 69–72.
115 Kammen, Three centuries, pp. 49, 191.
116 VOC 7440, NA. Transcript provided by Hans Hägerdal. The author was unable to consult this file directly as it was unavailable during research for this article.
117 Spillett, Peter G., ‘The pre-colonial history of the island of Timor, together with some notes on the Makassan influence in the island’ (Darwin: Museum and Art Gallery of the Northern Territory, 1999)Google Scholar.
118 Duffy, Fire and stone, pp. 75–80, 191–200.
119 Pélissier, René, Timor en guerre: Le crocodile et les Portugais (1847–1913) (Orgeval: R. Pélissier, 1996), p. 68Google Scholar.
120 F.V., ‘Viagem da corveta Sà da Bandeira a Timor (continuação do no. 28)’, Boletim da Provincia de Maucau e Timor 16, 45 (1870): 189–90.
121 Thomaz, ‘Reconhecimento’, pp. 13, 46.