The relation of home literacy environments to language and preliteracy skills in single- and dual-language children in Danish childcare
Introduction
Preschool children’s language and literacy skills are powerful predictors of later educational attainment, financial livelihood, and psychosocial satisfaction (e.g., Chetty et al., 2011). A substantial literature argues that these skills are shaped by early experiences at home (Law, Rush, King, Westrupp, & Reilly, 2018; Payne, Whitehurst, & Angell, 1994; Zauche, Thul, Mahoney, & Stapel-Wax, 2016). However, it is not clear to what extent these conclusions apply to dual-language exposed children whose parents may not be proficient in the language their children will need in school, nor is it clear how they apply to children who attend early childhood education programs. The primary aim of the present study is to identify home literacy experiences that predict language and literacy school readiness skills among children who attended childcare programs full time since age 1–1½ on average, and to determine whether those relations are modified by childcare entry age or dual-language exposure. The study made use of a sample of 5791 4-to-6-year-old children who attended childcare programs in Denmark.
Predictors of development of later reading and writing include oral language skills, phonological awareness, and letter knowledge (Snow, Burns, & Griffin, 1998; Whitehurst & Lonigan, 1998). These predictors appear to operate across cultures, languages, and writing systems (e.g., Bleses, Makransky, Dale, Højen, & Ari, 2016; Gonzalez et al., 2011; Ho & Bryant, 1997; McBride–Chang & Kail, 2002). Measures of oral language skills as early as age two have been found to predict later language and literacy skills (e.g., Bleses et al., 2016; Bornstein, Hahn, & Putnick, 2016; Lee, 2011), indicating that children begin on a more favorable or less favorable trajectory when they are just learning to talk. Later preliteracy skills are even stronger predictors. The National Early Literacy Panel (2008), NELP) meta-analysis identified letter knowledge, phonological awareness, phonological memory, and rapid auditory naming of letters or objects as strongly correlated with later literacy (i.e., relatively advanced preliteracy skills, typically first measurable around age 4–5), and identified print awareness and oral language skills (vocabulary or grammar) as moderately correlated with later reading and writing. The latter skills are measurable earlier than age 4–5, which could partly explain the weaker correlation with later literacy (the NELP meta-analysis does not specify the age of each measure).
The relation of these early skills to subsequent literacy also holds for children who acquire a minority language in the preschool years in addition to the language of instruction in school (e.g., August & Shanahan, 2006; Halle, Hair, Wandner, McNamara, & Chien, 2012; Kieffer, 2008, Kieffer, 2012, Miller et al., 2006). Multiple studies have found that early majority language skills predict academic trajectories among children from minority language homes and that minority language children and adolescents with good majority language skills keep academic pace with their monolingual, majority language speaking peers (Demie and Strand, 2006, Halle et al., 2012, Kieffer, 2012). Additionally, emerging evidence suggests that some language or preliteracy skills acquired in one language may generalize to a second language. In dual-language children, phonological awareness skills, including rhyme detection and syllable and phoneme deletion assessed in each language, tend to be highly correlated, even when the languages are as dissimilar as English and Korean (for a review, see Branum-Martin, Tao, & Garnaat, 2015). This suggests that these are general linguistic rather than language-specific skills. However, skills that are clearly specific to one language may also be related to skills in another language; Miller et al. (2006) reported evidence that dual-language learners’ oral language skills in Spanish or English were related to reading and writing skills across as well as within the two languages. Those were concurrent relations in kindergarten to third grade students, but also predictive relations have been found. Among Latino children in New York, Spanish oral language skills at the age of 2 years predicted letter knowledge, assessed in English at 5 years (Tamis-LeMonda et al., 2014). These findings suggest that children for whom endogenous (e.g., innate and well-developed cognitive skills) and exogenous factors (e.g., a supportive home literacy environment) let them develop strong skills in one language are also at an advantage when acquiring language and literacy skills in a second language. It is, however, uncertain whether it is the skills themselves that transfer between languages, whether it is the endogenous and exogenous factors that favor both native and second-language acquisition, or whether children who develop good skills in the native language build a “language acquisition momentum” that transfers to second-language acquisition.
Given the demonstrated importance of oral language and preliteracy skills acquired before entering school, it is very likely that the sources of individual differences in academic outcomes lie, at least in part, in the sources of variability in preschool children’s language and preliteracy skills. In this regard, many findings point to what has been termed the home literacy environment (e.g., Payne et al., 1994). This term comprises both aspects of the physical environments that parents create for children, such as the number of books in the home, and direct parenting practices, such as the frequency and manner of shared book reading, playing rhyming games, visiting the library, and more (e.g., Foy & Mann, 2003).
Two aspects of home literacy environments are often distinguished: informal educational activities (focus on the activity itself), such as storytelling, playing games, or shared book reading, and formal educational activities (focus on learning), such as explicitly talking about letters and sounds and counting numbers (Melhuish et al., 2008, Sénéchal and LeFevre, 2002). Note, however, that some formal activities, such as talking about letters, are often naturally embedded in informal ones, such as shared book reading, and so these two broad categories should not be thought of as mutually exclusive in practice. Both aspects of home literacy environments have been shown to be associated with children’s language and literacy development. A recent review indicated that children frequently exposed to shared book reading have larger vocabularies and higher general language skills, including language complexity and comprehension skills, than children with less frequent exposure to shared book reading (Zauche et al., 2016). Meta-analytic evidence of the effect of language intervention based on shared book reading adds to the evidence by demonstrating positive effects on children’s general language skills, phonological awareness, print concepts, comprehension, and vocabulary outcomes (e.g., Dowdall et al., early view; Swanson et al., 2011; van Steensel, McElvany, Kurvers, & Herppich, 2011).
Effects of the informal home literacy environment in the early years have been shown to remain several years later in both single- and dual-language children (e.g., Niklas & Schneider, 2017; Tamis-LeMonda, Luo, McFadden, Bandel, & Vallotton, 2017). Similarly, more formal educational activities, where parents talk about letters and numbers—or perhaps play games with the child with letters or numbers as a core component—have been shown to be associated with children’s letter knowledge, print concepts, and decoding skills (e.g., Martini and Sénéchal, 2012, Sénéchal and LeFevre, 2014). Further evidence that the home literacy environment contributes to child outcomes is the finding that intervention—even low-intensity (Niklas & Schneider, 2015)—increases the quality of the home literacy environments and, in turn, child outcomes.
Childcare attendance and a higher cumulative dosage of childcare have been shown to positively affect pre-academic skills in single- (Burger, 2010, Shah et al., 2017, Zaslow et al., 2010) and dual-language children (Kohl, Willard, Agache, Bihler, & Leyendecker, 2019). In addition, childcare quality is often, although not always, found to be related to pre-academic skills (Anders et al., 2012; Perlman et al., 2016; Vandell, Belsky, Burchinal, Steinberg, & Vandergrift, 2010).
These findings raise the question of how much the home literacy environment contributes to the development of school-readiness in children who attend childcare programs full time. The scarce amount of previous research on this question, indicates that the home literacy environment still plays a role. Firstly, evidence of consistent differences in oral language and preliteracy skills related to family socioeconomic status (SES) as well as immigration background in a country with near-universal childcare (Denmark) argues that childcare attendance does not erase differences arising from young children’s environments outside of the childcare setting (Højen, Bleses, Jensen, & Dale, 2019).
Secondly, three studies that directly tackled this question found effects of the quality of the home environment: At school entry, Melhuish et al. (2008) reported effects of home literacy environments on preliteracy and numeracy in children who had been in childcare programs beginning between the ages 3 and 5. Note that this relatively late entry into childcare means that children were primarily influenced by the home for several years before entering childcare. However, Weigel, Martin, and Bennett (2005) examined children who entered childcare at 17 months of age and also found significant effects of home literacy activities (on print knowledge and receptive language). Adi-Japha and Klein (2009) also found significant effects of the home environment (parent behavior and literacy activities) on school readiness and child language development in children with varying amounts of childcare. But an intriguing dependency on amount of childcare was found for the relation of the home environment to child outcomes. The relation of the home environment to school readiness and receptive language skills was stronger for children with high rather than medium amounts of childcare; however, the predictability of the home environment did not differ significantly for children not in childcare vs. children with high amounts of childcare. These findings suggest that childcare does not necessarily reduce the influence of the home but may indeed increase that influence. It should be noted, though, that childcare in that study included all types of non-maternal care, including care by e.g., fathers, grandparents and other relatives.
In summary, it is still uncertain whether early childcare experiences modify the effect of the home literacy environment and what the influence of amount of childcare is. A young childcare entry age—and ensuing higher cumulative dosage—might be thought to diminish effects of differences in the home literacy environment, but not necessarily so, as discussed above. The answer to this question might vary with the degree of academic focus in the childcare program and on general childcare quality (Melhuish et al., 2015).
In the present study’s Danish context, childcare centers are public or under the supervision of the municipality and regulated by national legislation. They are generally thought of as having high quality. Ninety-seven percent of preschool age children in Denmark attend childcare. Structural quality is good, with 15.8 children on average per classroom, an educator-child ratio of 1 to 5.8, (for age 0–2, the ratio is about 1–3) and with 56% of staff (at least one per classroom) having BA in early child care (EVA: Evaluation Institut Denmark, 2020). Extra resources are allocated to childcare centers with high proportions of dual language learners or if children have special needs or developmental disorders in order to ensure high quality care for all children irrespective of the composition of children in individual childcare centers. Families are guaranteed a place for their child in childcare. Childcare is publicly subsidized, and families pay progressive tuition fees (but only up to a maximum of 25% of the total cost) based on household income. Low-income families pay no tuition. In sum, families in Denmark have equal access to generally high-quality childcare.
Danish childcare programs have traditionally had little emphasis on academic skills but more on socialization, learning to play, outdoor activities and child-driven activities in general (e.g., Bauchmüller, Gørtz, & Rasmussen, 2014; Kragh-Müller & Ringsmose, 2015). Despite an increased focus on supporting pre-academic skills in Danish childcares in the last decade, this support is still not high, as evidenced by a recent national report (EVA: Evaluation Institut Denmark, 2020) using Ecers-3 (Harms, Clifford, & Cryer, 2015) to evaluate 88 representative childcare centers (165 observations) in 56 municipalities. Summarized across centers, the learning environment was considered “Good” for only two out of six domains, and just “adequate” for four out of six domains, including Language and Preliteracy. For language and literacy, quality in most centers was adequate (68%) or good (24%); for learning activities, quality was inadequate (50%) or adequate (50%). These figures suggest that although Danish childcares generally have high structural and organizational quality, home literacy environments may still play an important role for school readiness even for children in Danish childcare.
The ways in which the home environment prepares children for majority language and literacy when the parents are not native speakers of the majority language are not well understood. If the majority language is used less frequently than it is in majority language monolingual homes, children are likely to lag in majority language development (Hoff, 2018). Quality of majority language exposure also seems to matter. If the sources of majority language exposure at home are nonnative speakers with limited proficiency, that will be less facilitative of children’s majority language skills (Hoff, Core, & Shanks, 2020; Place and Hoff, 2011, Place and Hoff, 2016). Some studies find that majority language use at home by nonnative speakers supports children’s majority language development, although not as much as when the source is native speakers (Duursma et al., 2007; Hoff, Rumiche, Burridge, Ribot, & Welsh, 2014; Place and Hoff, 2011, Place and Hoff, 2016). Some studies find no benefit (Hammer, Davison, Lawrence, & Miccio, 2009) or differential benefits depending on whether dual language learning children’s mothers are immigrants or native-born (Winsler et al., 2014). Other studies find a benefit that depends on the nonnative speakers’ proficiency (e.g., Paradis and Jia, 2017, Roberts, 2008).
If children from minority language homes depend mainly on majority language exposure outside the home, the extent and quality of home literacy activities—whether primarily in the minority language or nonnative spoken majority language—might be less relevant to their majority language oral skills and preliteracy skills. Thus, Lewis, Sandilos, Hammer, Sawyer, and Méndez (2016) found that home literacy activities in Spanish speaking families in the U.S. were less strongly associated with English than with Spanish language skills. Indeed, no home literacy variable was significantly related to English vocabulary, and only one out of five variables was related to English Oral comprehension. Other research shows that literacy activities, in particular book reading, may be a powerful source of support for children’s development of majority language oral and preliteracy skills. Kalia and Reese (2009) studied the relation of the home literacy environment to the English language and literacy skills of children in multilingual homes in India and found that frequent book-reading in the majority language offset the disadvantage of infrequent general use of English in the home with respect to children’s English vocabulary scores.
While the home literacy activities in the studies by Kalia and Reese (2009) were provided in the majority language, cross-linguistic benefits of early language and literacy experiences and skills for subsequent language and literacy attainment have also been found (e.g., Kim, Curby, & Winsler, 2014; Miller et al., 2006). Indeed, providing literacy materials in the minority language has been found to be at least as effective as majority language materials (Hancock, 2002, Roberts, 2008), suggesting that the language used for home literacy activities—minority vs. majority—is of less importance than the general quality of the home literacy environment.
Yet another question about the relation of home literacy environments to children’s language skills in minority language homes concerns the potentially different roles of each parent. In minority language homes, parents may differ in their level of majority language skill creating an additional source of variance in the nature of the home literacy environment. For example, Duursma et al. (2007) found that paternal but not maternal language use predicted child majority language development among children in minority language homes; potentially reflecting average differences in majority language proficiency between fathers and mothers. Thus, it is highly relevant to further examine majority language proficiency as well as degree of use in both fathers and mothers to determine the independent influence of each of these four predictors on dual-language exposed children’s majority language development as well as preliteracy skills.
Finally, it has been established that having one native majority-language in addition to a minority-language parent, as opposed to two language-minority parents, is associated with higher majority language skills (and lower minority language skills) in the children (e.g., Hoff et al., 2014, Place and Hoff, 2011). However, to our knowledge it has not been examined if it makes a difference whether the mother or the father is the nonnative speaker. On the assumption that mothers in most cases spend more time with the child in early childhood, it would be reasonable to suppose that majority language skills are typically stronger in children with a native mother and a nonnative father than vice versa.
To identify components of home literacy environments that predict language and preliteracy skills among children who attend early childcare programs full time, the present study made use of parent and child data from a large sample of single- and dual-language 4–6-year-olds in Denmark. The data came from pretests prior to two randomized-control effectiveness studies of language and literacy support in Danish public childcare centers, carried out in 2013–2014 (Bleses, Højen, Dale et al., 2018, Bleses, Højen, Justice et al., 2018). The primary aim of those studies was to examine the effects of two early language and preliteracy interventions. However, considerably more pretest data, for example on home literacy environments, were collected than could be analyzed and published in the publications focusing on the main effects.
The primary aim here was to investigate the relation of measures of the home literacy environment to children’s language and preliteracy skills in this sample of children attending childcare. Because of the near-universal childcare in Denmark (97%, Danish Ministry for Social Affairs, 2015), it was not possible to test whether those relations are different for children in childcare vs. not in childcare. However, using a measure of childcare entry age and chronological age, it was possible to determine if the relations are weaker for children with higher cumulative childcare dosage. We investigate these relations for the full sample of children, and additionally, we ask whether the relations are different when one or both parents is a native speaker of a language other than Danish. For the subgroup of children with two nonnative parents, we ask whether parents’ Danish proficiency or amount of use is related to child outcomes and whether parents’ proficiency and use moderate relations between the home literacy environment and child outcomes. Finally, for the subgroup of children with one native and one nonnative parent, we ask whether child outcomes and the relation of the home literacy environment to child outcomes depends on which parent is the native speaker (mother or father) and on the Danish proficiency and amount of Danish use by the nonnative parent. These broad aims yielded three research questions and additional sub-questions pertaining to moderation. In all cases, “child outcomes” are Danish language and preliteracy skills.
- 1
What is the relation between home literacy environment measures and child outcomes among children who attend childcare full time?
- a
Is that relation moderated by parent language background (native vs. nonnative)?
- b
Is that relation moderated by childcare entry age?
- a
- 2
Among children with two parents who are native speakers of a language other than Danish, are child outcomes related to their parents’ Danish language proficiency and amount of use?
- a
Are relations of home literacy variables to child outcomes moderated by parents’ Danish language proficiency and amount of use?
- a
- 3
Among children with one parent who is a native Danish speaker and one who is a native speaker of a language other than Danish, are child outcomes related to which parent is the nonnative speaker (mother or father)?
- a
Do relations of the nonnative parent’s Danish language proficiency and use to child outcomes depend on which parent is the nonnative speaker?
- b
Do relations of home literacy variables to child outcomes depend on which parent is the nonnative speaker?
- a
The foregoing literature yields several predictions with respect to predictors of children’s Danish language and preliteracy skills. We expect that the home literacy environment will matter also for children in childcare. We expect that early entry in childcare will reduce the importance of the home literacy environment. We expect that in households where both parents are native speakers of languages other than Danish, the parents’ proficiency in Danish and amount of use of Danish will have direct relations to children’s outcomes. We expect that in households where one parent is native Danish speaker and the other is not, that children’s Danish skills will be stronger when the mother is the native Danish parent. There is less literature to guide expectations with respect to the moderating processes to be examined, and these analyses must be considered exploratory.
In all the analyses addressing these questions, we include measures of family SES (income and maternal education) and age as covariates, but not gender as the child outcome variables were gender-normed. The outcome variables were also age-normed, but age was included as a covariate because, with age controlled for, childcare entry age also becomes a measure of cumulative dosage.
Section snippets
Participants
The participants were 5791 4-to-6-year-olds (47% girls) and their parents. They differed in their parents’ language backgrounds and, relatedly, their Danish language exposure at home: In this sample, 5169 (89.3%) had two native Danish parents (labeled the “Danish-Danish” group) and heard only Danish at home; 374 (6.4%) had one native Danish parent and one nonnative parent, that is, a native speaker of a language other than Danish (“Danish-Other” group); 248 (4.3%) had two nonnative parents
Preliminary analyses and descriptive statistics
To reduce the data and identify underlying factors in the 13 home literacy questions, a factor analysis was conducted which revealed three factors with eigenvalues above 1.00. One factor had high loadings on questions related to book exposure and was therefore labeled “book exposure”. A second factor had high loadings on questions related to child-adult interaction while reading and was therefore labeled “reading interaction”. A third factor had high loadings on questions about frequency of
Discussion
The central aim was to determine whether the widely observed benefits of a rich literacy environment at home for children’s oral and preliteracy skills would also be observable in children who had attended childcare programs full time since age 1–1½ on average. In addition, we asked whether those benefits would be different for children with a relatively early vs. late childcare entry, and whether the benefits would be different for children from homes in which one or both parents were not
Conclusions
The overarching finding of the present study is that home literacy environments are positively related to preschool children’s oral language and preliteracy skills in the language of schooling even in children who attend childcare full time, and it does so for both single- and dual-language exposed children. The strength of the influence of home literacy experiences is actually greater in children from minority language homes, perhaps because sharing books and explicit literacy teaching
CRediT authorship contribution statement
Anders Højen: Conceptualization, Methodology, Formal analysis, Investigation, Data curation, Writing - original draft, Writing - review & editing, Visualization. Erika Hoff: Conceptualization, Methodology, Writing - original draft, Writing - review & editing. Dorthe Bleses: Methodology, Resources, Data curation, Writing - review & editing, Funding acquisition. Philip S. Dale: Methodology, Writing - review & editing.
Acknowledgments
This research was funded by an Aarhus University Research Foundation grant to Anders Højen (grant number AUFF-E-2018-6-17). We thank the childcares and families for participation and Louise Steenberg Vangen and seven anonymous reviewers for valuable comments and suggestions.
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