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Horror on the Periphery of Modernity: The Invention of the Baixada Fluminense and the Legendary Tenório Cavalcanti

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  27 March 2019

Tyler Ralston*
Affiliation:
University of Pikevilletylerralston@Upike.edu

Extract

The 1950s stand out as the “Golden Years” in the collective memory of many Brazilians. Sandwiched between the authoritarian periods of the Estado Novo dictatorship led by Getúlio Vargas (1937–45) and a military dictatorship (1964–85), the decade was a time of great optimism for the country's future. Many hoped that the country would enjoy a lasting democratic system accompanied by the ever-increasing trappings of modernity. Indeed, a surge of economic growth and industrial development during Vargas's return as a democratically elected president (1951–54), followed by a massive industrialization program crowned by the construction of the ultramodern capital of Brasília under Juscelino Kubitschek (1956–61), gave true believers reason for optimism.

Type
Article
Copyright
Copyright © Academy of American Franciscan History 2019 

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Footnotes

I would like to thank John D. French at Duke University, Ryan Alexander at SUNY Plattsburgh, and Kathryn Gallien at the University of Arizona for their invaluable critiques of various drafts of this article. I would also like to thank the anonymous reviewers at The Americas for their candid and insightful comments during the collaborative process of this work. Most of all, I would like to thank my advisor, mentor, and friend Bert J. Barickman (1958–2016) for his dedication and guidance in the research and direction of this article.

References

1. Gillingham, Paul and Smith, Benjamin T., “The Paradoxes of Revolution,” in Dictablanda: Politics, Work, and Culture in Mexico, 1938–1968, Gillingham, Paul and Smith, Benjamin T., eds. (Durham: Duke University Press 2014), 10CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Gillingham specifically refers to urbanization in Mexico City beginning in the 1940s. His observation, nevertheless, aptly applies to the processes and their consequences that occurred throughout Latin America during the mid twentieth century.

2. Fischer, Brodwyn, “A Century in the Present Tense,” in Cities from Scratch: Poverty and Informality in Urban Latin America, Fischer, Brodwyn, McCann, Brian, and Auyero, Javier, eds. (Durham: Duke University Press, 2014), 4546CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

3. de Albuquerque, Durval Muniz Jr., The Invention of the Brazilian Northeast (Durham: Duke University Press, 2014), 114Google Scholar.

4. The Baixada Fluminense, roughly the “(State of) Rio Lowlands,” is generally shortened to “the Baixada,” or lowlands. “Fluminense” is a noun or adjective that refers to the state of Rio de Janeiro. See Tyler Ralston, “Social Change and Populist Politics in Brazil: The Baixada Fluminense and the Legendary Tenório Cavalcanti, 1945–1964” (PhD diss.: University of Arizona, 2013), 9–10.

5. These concepts, the authors point out, are notoriously slippery and evasive. For in-depth discussions of the nebulous boundaries associated with these inventions, see Licia do Prado Valladares, A invencão da favela (Rio de Janeiro: Editora FGV, 2006)Google Scholar; and Albuquerque Jr., Invention. For a case study that analyzes the blurry boundaries between favela and formal city, see Mariana Cavalcanti, “Threshold Markets: The Production of the Real Estate Market Between the ‘Favela’ and the ‘Pavement,’” in Cities from Scratch, Fischer, McCann, and Auyero, eds., 208–237.

6. Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo are today located in the country‘s Southeast. However, the region that contains these two cities has changed several times, and at times the cities have belonged to different officially recognized regions (Albuquerque Jr., for example, refers loosely to “the South”). I will use the category “Southeast,” as defined by the Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatísicas, for the sake of clarity. I will also refer to the Rio-São Paulo metropolitan axis when describing characteristics and policies that these important and influential cities (Rio as the national and cultural capital, and São Paulo as the center of industry and finance) more or less had in common.

7. Valladares, Invenção, 126–127.

8. Albuquerque Jr., Invention, xi, 1–13, 25–29, 74–108; Valladares, Invenção, 28–34, 41.

9. “Pistoleiro” accurately translates as “gunman.” However, in many Latin American countries, the term carries the added meaning of a political enforcer. Despite Tenório's nickname, “Deputado Pistoleiro” (gunslinging congressman), he did not fit easily into this category. For discussions on pistolerismo, see Caimari, Lila, While the City Sleeps: A History of Pistoleiros, Policemen, and the Crime Beat in Buenos Aires before Perón (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2017)Google Scholar; Picatto, Pablo, A History of Infamy: Crime, Truth, and Justice in Mexico (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2017), 161190CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Pablo Picatto, “Pistoleros, Ley Fuga, and Uncertainty about Public Debates of Murder in Twentieth-Century Mexico,” in Dictablanda, 321–340. For a discussion of the social and economic development of Duque de Caxias beginning in the 1950s, see Pierre Alves Costa, “Duque de Caxias (RJ), de cidade dormitório a cidade do refino do petrólio: um estudo econômico-político do início dos anos 1950 ao início dos anos 1970” (PhD diss.: Universidade Federal Fluminense, 2009), 28–72.

10. Carlos Lacerda, owner of the Rio daily Tribuna da Imprensa, became a congressman in 1955 and the first governor of the state of Guanabara in 1960. See McCann, Bryan, “Carlos Lacerda: The Rise and Fall of a Middle-Class Populist in 1950s Brazil,” Hispanic American Historical Review 83:4 (November 2003), 661696CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Beloch, Israel, Capa Preta e Lurdinha: Tenório Cavalcanti e o povo da Baixada (Rio de Janeiro: Record, 1986), 134151Google Scholar; and Dulles, John W. F., Carlos Lacerda, Brazilian Crusader, Vol. I: The Years 1914–1960 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1991)Google Scholar.

11. “Carioca” is an adjective or noun that refers to someone or something pertaining to the city of Rio de Janeiro.

12. Because the Baixada Fluminense is not a formally recognized region, definitions vary as to its composition. By most definitions, it includes the municipalities of Nova Iguaçu, Duque de Caxias, Queimados, Belford Roxo, Japerí, São João de Merití, Nilópolis, Magé, and Mesquita.

13. Certainly, mountainous areas do not count as flatlands. Nevertheless, significant stretches of the Baixada municipalities of Duque de Caxias and Nova Iguaçu extend into these areas.

14. Abreu, Mauricio de A., Evolução urbana do Rio de Janeiro (Rio de Janeiro: Instituto Pereira Passos, 2010), 2728Google Scholar.

15. See Gomes, Flávio dos Santos, Histórias de quilombolas: mocambos e comunidades de senzalas no Rio de Janeiro-século XIX (Rio de Janeiro: Arquivo Nacional, 1995), 4365Google Scholar; and Gomes, FlávioQuilombos no Rio de Janeiro no século XIX,” in A liberdade por um fio: história dos quilombos no Brasil, Reis, João José and Gomes, Flávio, eds. (São Paulo: Companhia das Letras, 1996), 263290Google Scholar.

16. Maurício de A. Abreu, in his organization of greater Rio, refers to the municipalities of the Baixada as the “Subúrbios Periféricos,” (“Peripheral Suburbs”) the furthest concentric circle out from the city center, after the “Central Periphery,” “Near Periphery,” and the “Intermediate Periphery.” See Abreu, Evolução urbana, 27–34.

17.Suburbio” translates directly as “suburb.” However, there are important conceptual differences between suburbios as they developed in Rio, which generally consist of working-class apartment buildings and are often perceived as dangerous and violent places, and US-style suburbs, which are generally middle- and upper-class communities characterized by individual houses and, in theory, are somewhat removed from such urban danger and violence.

18. The Folha de Caxias changed its name to the Folha da Cidade in 1954, very likely in an attempt to distance itself from Duque de Caxias, which by then, as the “Wild West,” was a lost cause in terms of the struggle for identity, and at the same time to more closely associate itself and the municipality with Rio proper. Nevertheless, the newspaper retained its stance in the defense and promotion of the Baixada municipality, although from an increasingly futile standpoint. See for example “Teremos telefone,” Folha da Caxias, March 21, 1954, 1; and “Um bilhão de cruzeiros a produção industrial de Duque de Caxias no ano de 1954,” Folha da Cidade, August 21, 1955, 3.

19. The legitimacy of these planned future US-style suburbs is difficult to determine because of a shady form of real estate fraud known as grilagem that is rampant throughout the region. A common tactic of grileiros (speculators, fraudsters) was to lure unsuspecting buyers with bait-and-switch tactics. Normally, they targeted the more vulnerable lower class, but selling shares for middle-class housing that would never exist would not be beyond the pale. See for example Mario Grynszpan, “Lavradores e grileiros na Luta Democrática” (UFRJ, 1982), 28–93; da Silva, Bráulio Rodrigues, Memórias da luta pela terra na Baixada Fluminense (Rio de Janeiro: Editora Mauad, 1988), 2134Google Scholar; and “Os tubarões dos loteamentos,” O Municipal, March 8, 1952, 1.

20. See for example “‘Não votaremos,’” Diário de Notícias, February 12, 1950, 1, 7; “Política de sangue de ódio e de morte!,” O Globo, May 14, 1949, 1; and “Comércio com a vida humana,” O Globo, May 17, 1949, 1.

21. The Folha de Caxias/Cidade did not help its cause by printing numerous articles lamenting the shortcomings of the region, supposedly with the motivation of improving it. In one instance, an editorial criticizes the filth in the street, crime, and the Wild West label, with great concern about what visitors (presumably from Rio) might have to say about it all. See “Caxias, cidade suja,” Folha de Caxias, November 11, 1950, 6.

22. Baer, Werner, The Brazilian Economy: Growth and Development (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2008), 7990Google Scholar.

23. de Souza, Itamar, Migrações internas no Brasil (Petrópolis: Editora Vozes, 1980), 6469Google Scholar; de Brito Muszynski, Maria Judith, O impacto político das migrações internas: o caso de São Paulo (1945–1964), (São Paulo: Editora IDESP, 1986), 54Google Scholar.

24. See Fischer, Brodwyn, A Poverty of Rights: Citizenship and Inequality in Twentieth-Century Rio de Janeiro (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2008), 242246Google Scholar; Abreu, Evolução, 50–53; and Marlúcia Santos de Souza, “Escavando o passado da cidade: história política da cidade de Duque de Caxias” (MA thesis: Universidade Federal Fluminense, 2002), 114–115.

25. For commentary on the Rio-Bahia highway, see “Enérgicas e urgentes medidas para deter o movimento migratório de Nordestinos,” Diário de Notícias, February 15, 1952, 1.

26. Weinstein, Barbara, The Color of Modernity: São Paulo and the Making of Race and Nation in Brazil (Durham: Duke University Press, 2015), 193195Google Scholar. There are some important differences in the attitudes of the elite and middle classes of Rio and São Paulo in terms of the new arrivals. Rio as the national capital had been long accustomed to the presence of people from around the country and therefore tended to be less extreme in its attitude to the new arrivals.

27. Warner Baer, in his examination of the country‘s political economy, has demonstrated that this perception of Northeastern drain was simply not true. This notion is further discredited if one considers the productivity of industrial workers from the Northeast working in Southeastern industries in terms of the national GDP. See Baer, Economy, 252–257.

28. Euclides da Cunha, Os sertões (São Paulo: Editora Nova Cultura, [1902] 2002). Euclides da Cunha in this classic and influential work on the Canudos expedition articulated the Southeastern attitudes regarding the inferiority of Northeasterners. His depiction of these people, while mostly negative, was not entirely so. For example, among the positive attributes, he included bravery in battle and physical perseverance.

29. Lampião's (which translates as “lantern”) given name was Virgulino Ferreira da Silva. See Baer, Economy, 243–275; Albuquerque Jr., Invention, 25–73; Levine, Robert, Vale of Tears: Revisiting the Canudos Massacre in Northeastern Brazil, 1893–1897 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992), 3449Google Scholar; and Chandler, Billy Jaynes, The Bandit King: Lampião of Brazil (College Station: Texas A&M Press, 1978), 1314Google Scholar.

30. As the favela origin myth goes, soldiers who had recently returned to Rio from the Canudos campaign were evicted from their homes in the city center later that year, their communities razed as part of a urban beautification campaign. With no place to go, the soldiers and their families took whatever materials remained to the top of a nearby hill and constructed a shantytown. They named it “Favela” after a hill of the same name on which they had encamped during the campaign. For a detailed analysis of this event and entry of the word “favela” into the lexicon, see Valladares, Invenção, 28–34; and Zaluar, Alba and Alvito, Marcos, Um século de favela (Rio de Janeiro: Editora FGV, 2006), 218Google Scholar.

31. Beloch, Capa Preta, 43–48.

32. “Memórias: o delegado Peçanha,” O Cruzeiro, October 17, 1953, 63–64; Tenório Cavalcanti, Arquivo Público do Estado do Rio de Janeiro [hereafter APERJ], Prontuário RJ 6097, Ficha de Referência, 1; Beloch, Capa, 48–49; Alves, José Cláudio Souza, Dos barões ao extermínio: uma história da violência na Baixada Fluminense (Duque de Caxias, RJ: APPH-CLIO, 2003), 84Google Scholar. See also Rose, R. S., One of the Forgotten Things: Getúlio Vargas and Brazilian Social Control, 1930–1954 (London: Greenwood Press, 2000), 18Google Scholar.

33. de Abreu, Alzira Alves and Lattman-Weltman, Fernando, “Fechando o cerco: a imprensa e a crise de agosto de 1954,” in Vargas e a crise dos anos 50, Gomes, Angela de Castro, ed. (Rio de Janeiro: Editora Relume Dumará, 1994), 2630Google Scholar.

34. Sodré, Imprensa, 430–434; Abreu and Lattman-Weltman, “Fechando o cerco,” 26–30.

35. Beloch, Capa Preta, 73.

36. Skidmore, Thomas E., Politics in Brazil, 1930–1964: An Experiment in Democracy (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), 4862CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Abreu and Lattman-Weltman, “Fechando,” 28–33; Jorge Ferreira, “O carnaval da tristeza: os motins urbanos do 24 de agosto,” in Vargas e a crise dos anos 50, Angela de Castro Gomes, ed., 72–74.

37. “Desordeiros a serviço do prefeito de Duque de Caxias agridem a tiros seus adversários políticos,” Diário Carioca, July 14, 1945, 1–2. See also ““Conflito em Caxias,” Diário de Notícias, July 14, 1945, 2.

38. “Desordeiros,” Diário Carioca, 1–2. See also ““Conflito em Caxias,” Diário de Notícias, 2.

39. See “A nossa opinião,” Diário Carioca, December 19, 1945, 1; “O cangaço político in Caxias desde as origens … ,” Diário Carioca, December 21, 1945, 1; and “O crime,” Diário Carioca, June 2, 1946, 12.

40. “Vence a UDN em Niterói e Caxias,” Diário Carioca, January 21, 1947, 5; “Violenta altercação entre sr. Tenório Cavalcanti e Barcleos Feio,” Diário Carioca, June 17, 1948, 5; “Tirarei da tribuna o cara de cachorro,” Diário Carioca, September 23, 1949, 2.

41. “Assembléia Fluminense,” Diário Carioca, March 12, 1947, 2; “Assembléia Fluminense,” Diário Carioca, August 28, 1947, 2; “Emprego de dinheiro na Assembléia,” Diário Carioca, April 10, 1948, 2.

42. See for example “Denunciadas as atividades ilicitas de um ex secretario do sr. Amaral Peixoto,” Diário Carioca, March 12, 1947, 3; “Grave denúncia do sr. Tenório Cavalcanti,” Diário Carioca, May 25, 1948, 3; “Violenta altercação entre sr. Tenório Cavalcanti e Barcleos Feio,” Diário Carioca June 17, 1948, 3.

43. See for example “Far-West,” Diário de Notícias, May 15, 1949, 8; “Comércio com a vida humana,” O Globo, May 17, 1949, 1; “Acabou a paz em Caxias,” Tribuna da Imprensa, February 13, 1952, 6; and “Vox Populi: ‘A volta do Tenório kid,’” Diário da Noite, 1, 2nd ed., February 12, 1952, 1.

44. “Far-West,” Diário de Notícias, May 15, 1949, 8; “Política de sangue de odio …,” O Globo; “Comércio com a vida humana,” O Globo, May 17, 1949, 1. The more commonly used term in Portuguese was “far-west.” The development of the Portuguese neologism “faroeste” during the 1950s, derived from the English “Far West,” epitomizes the popularity of westerns in Brazil during the 1950s.

45. Valladares, Invenção, 24–36.

46. See for examples “Far-West,” Diário de Notícias, November 15, 1949, 1; “Duque de Caxias de novo em pé de guerra,” Diário da Noite, February 12, 1952, 1; and “Acabou a paz em Caxias,” Tribuna da Imprensa, February 12, 1952, 6.

47. The owner of O Cruzeiro was Francisco de Assis Chateaubriand, commonly known as O Chatô. He was a Northeastern migrant of middle-class origins from the state of Paraíba who started his career as a journalist and eventually became Brazil‘s most powerful and feared media magnate. While I have not found any specific evidence regarding his opinion of Tenório, Assis Chateaubriand was something of a gadfly who often celebrated his Northeastern origins in such a way as to provoke the ire of those in the Southeast. Promotion of Tenório would fit into such a scheme par excellence, and almost certainly factored into the magazine‘s taking up the Tenório story. See Morais, Fernando, Chatô: o rei do Brasil (São Paulo: Companhia das Letras, 1994), 528536Google Scholar.

48. “No território livre de Caxias impera: o deputado pistoleiro,” O Cruzeiro, October 14, 1950, 36, 72–73. The relationship between Vargas and O Cruzeiro was particularly complex, and difficult to pin down. This ambiguity very likely reflected the constantly changing and often turbulent relationship between Vargas and Assis Chateaubriand. See Morais, Chatô, 177–178, 510–530; and Skidmore, Politics, 61.

49. O Cruzeiro was responsible, if not for inventing them outright, at least for the propagation of Tenório's nicknames. Prior to this article, the press generally referred to Tenório as “Dr. Tenório” (a reflection of his having attained a law degree), “Sr. Tenório,” or “Deputado Tenório.” After the article appeared, “Deputado Pistoleiro” appeared frequently in the print media.

50. “No território,” O Cruzeiro, 71; Chandler, Lampião, 81, 85.

51. According to the Dictionário Houaiss, “cabra,” is a Northeastern colloquial term for a person of mixed race, of undefined heritage. In day-to-day usage, it means “guy,” but also has the connotations of “strong or courageous man,” and “man of confidence.” See Dictionário eletrônico Houaiss da língua portuguesa 1.0 (Rio de Janeiro: Editora Objectiva, 2009)Google Scholar, s.v. “cabra.“”

52. “Caxias, terra sem lei,” O Cruzeiro, May 19, 1951, 13–16, 28–30.

53. “Tenório explica ‘graças ao ‘jiu-jitsu’ não matei nem morri,’” Última Hora, September 1, 1953, 1.

54. “Memórias: Cospem fogo as metralhadoras,” O Cruzeiro, September 12, 1953, 11–12.

55. “Cospem fogo,” O Cruzeiro, 16; “A jogatina,” O Cruzeiro, November 14, 1953, 54–56, 64; Internal report, January 31, 1945, Barcelos Feio, APERJ, Prontuário 29, 706, Gaveta 354; Barcelos Feio, March 2, 1952, APERJ-Polícia Political, Setor Secreto, folder 94, dossiê V.75. O Cruzeiro‘s assertion of Barcelos Feio‘s involvement in illicit activities in the Baixada is alluded to and partially corroborated by the internal reports of various political police agencies already cited.

56. “No território,”O Cruzeiro, 72–73; “Reina a paz na terra do sangue,” O Cruzeiro, February 2, 1952, 68; “Cospem fogo,” O Cruzeiro, 8, 16.

57. Diário da Noite, Segunda Edição, February 12, 1952, 1.

58. “Calai, pistolas,” O Cruzeiro, 63–68, 104–05; “Duque de Caxias, Diário da Noite, February 2, 1952, 1; “A tocaia,” Diário da Noite, Segunda Edição, February 12, 1952, 1, 6.

59. “Reina a paz,”O Cruzeiro, 63, 68.”

60. “Reina a paz,” O Cruzeiro, 63, 68; “Duque de Caxias,” Diário da Noite, 1; “Cospem fogo,” O Cruzeiro, September 12, 1953, 8–13.

61. “Reina a paz,”O Cruzeiro, 63, 68; “Duque de Caxias,” Diário da Noite, 1; “Cospem fogo,” 8–13.

62. O Cruzeiro, for example, did not publish its account of the event, complete with a full-page photograph of Imperato aggressively confronting Tenório, until September of the following year, when Tenório re-emerged into the national spotlight after Imperato‘s assassination. See “Cospem fogo,” O Cruzeiro, 8–13.

63. Coverage of Tenório in Diário Carioca during this time included occasional commentary on governmental mismanagement reminiscent of the earliest days of their relationship. See “A formula Tenório,” Diário Carioca, September 13, 1952, 3; and “Commentary,” Diário Carioca, May 22, 1953, 5.

64. The one partial exception to the press blackout was O Cruzeiro, which printed two slice-of-life articles that featured Tenório taking classes at Hélio Gracie‘s jiu-jitsu academy. See “O carnaval da rua,” O Cruzeiro, March 15, 1952, 117; “Que grande artista é o Tenório,” O Cruzeiro, June 14, 1952, 132; and “Hélio Gracie,” O Cruzeiro, June 21, 1952, 61–62.”

65. Carnival photo, Tribuna da Imprensa, February 27, 1952, 1.

66. “Discos,” Diário Carioca, March 1, 1953, 4.

67. Galvão, Maria Rita, “Vera Cruz: A Brazilian Hollywood,” in Brazilian Cinema, Johnson, Randal and Stam, Robert, eds. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1995), 270280Google Scholar, esp. 276–277; “Premiado O cangaceiro no festival de Cannes,” Folha da Manha, April 30, 1953, 1.

68. Albuquerque Jr., Invention, 148–150, 196–199.

69. See “Assuntos gerais,” Folha da Manha, January 21, 1953, 5; “Un acontecimento do cinema,” Diário Carioca, February 4, 1953; and “Cinema,” Manchete, March 28, 1953, 11.

70. “A notícia e o comentário,” Diário Carioca, April 28, 1953, 7. Lins‘s novel Os cangaceiros (not affiliated with the movie) appeared as a serial in O Cruzeiro beginning in late 1952, almost certainly in anticipation of the film's release in January 1953. While Lins was critical of the negative stereotyping of the Northeast originating from the Rio-São Paulo metropolitan axis, Albuquerque Jr. argues that Lins nevertheless contributed to the invention of the Northeast by glorifying and romanticizing the region‘s past, which constituted a participation in the invention process. The fact that O Cruzeiro printed the novel in serial form supports this argument, considering its general depiction of the Northeast. See Albuquerque Jr., Invention, xi, 90–105; and “Os Cangaceiros,” O Cruzeiro, December 6, 1952, 46, 58, 72.

71. “A notícia e o comentário,” Diário Carioca, April 28, 1953, 7.

72. Sarah R. Sarzynski, “History, Identity, and the Struggle for Land in Northeastern Brazil, 1955–1985” (PhD diss.: University of Maryland, 2008), 286.

73. See “Prazer de matar,” Revista da Semana, February 18, 1950, 6; and “Fui bandido 16 anos,” Última Hora, April 24, 1952, 12.

74. “A verdadeira história do rei dos cangaceiros,” O Cruzeiro, June 27, 1953, 8.

75. “Enterremos ‘Lampião,’” O Cruzeiro, October 17, 1953, 93–94.

76. This paragraph and the following paragraph are based on the following sources: “Fuzilaria dissolveu a festa de Tenório,” Tribuna da Imprensa, August 26, 1953, 1; “O assassinato do delegado Imperato,” O Cruzeiro, September 12, 1953, 16; “Caxias volta ao cartaz,” Diário de Notícias, August 27, 1953, 6; “Tenório explica,” Última Hora, September 1, 1953, 1; “O governador Amaral Peixoto acusa o deputado Tenório Cavalcanti,” O Globo, August 28, 1953, 7; “Caxias na expectativa de novos distúrbios,” Tribuna da Imprensa, August 27, 1953, 1; “A morte amanheceu em Caxias,” Diário da Noite, August 28, 1953, 1. “A ‘Chicago’ do Estado do Rio de Janeiro,” Diário da Noite, August 31, 1953, 3; “Tenório foi o autor do crime,” Última Hora, September 2, 1953, 1. “Credo-em-cruz: agosto tem o mau gosto de rima com desgosto,” O Cruzeiro, September 10, 1955, 9–12; and “64 quilos à prova da bala,” Manchete, September 19, 1953, 6.

77. “Fuzilaria dissolveu a festa de Tenório,” Tribuna da Imprensa, August 26, 1953, 1. Tenório's relationship with the Caxias Chamber of Commerce was certainly an ambiguous one. While he brought much publicity to the municipality, it was not the kind of attention that most members appreciated, and he certainly had enemies within the organization. On this particular evening, he was attending a banquet in his honor. However, no evidence exists that the organization or any of its members arranged this function as part of an assassination attempt.

78. See for example “Expectativa e nervosismo dominam Caxias,” Diário de Natal, September 2, 1953, 1; and “Metralhado o delegado e morto o investigador,” O Povo (Fortaleza), August 28, 1953, 1.

79. “Há vagas no cemitério de Caxias,” Jornal do Brazil, September 30, 1953, 5.

80. “Sobretudo mal decorada a acusação de Pedro,” Diário Carioca, November 17, 1953, 1; “Wilson, Pedro Tenório, e Naval estavam no carro do deputado,” Última Hora, September 8, 1953; “O cel. Feio à reportagem,” Última Hora, November 12, 1953, 1; “Tenório foi o autor do crime,” Última Hora, September 2, 1953, 1; “64 quilos,“Manchete, 6; “Expectativa,” Diário de Natal, 1; “Metralhado” O Povo (Fortaleza), 1.

81. “Nereu, Aranha … ,” Tribuna da Imprensa, September 3, 1953, 1; “‘Front’ de Caxias,” O Cruzeiro, September 19, 1953, 96; “Levantando o cerco,” Última Hora, September 3, 1953, 1.

82. “Tenório viu a morte de perto,” O Cruzeiro, September 19, 1953, 9–11, 14, 96.

83. “Feio, alegórico,” Última Hora, September 30, 1953, 1; “Organização judiciária,” Diário Carioca, October 4, 1953, 1; “Dará a camara licença?,” Diário da Noite, November 17, 1953, 1; “Mistério na prisão,” Tribuna da Imprensa, November 13, 1953, 1; “O cangaço,” A Província, October 22, 1953, 6.

84. Dulles, Carlos Lacerda, vol. 1, 143.

85. “Tenório viu,” O Cruzeiro, September 19, 1953, 14.

86. “Tenório viu,” O Cruzeiro, 8; “Cem homens em busca de um alvo,” Manchete, September 12, 1953, 6–8; “Memórias: Se fôr homem, atire!,” O Cruzeiro, October 3, 1953, 63.

87. See for example “O sósia de Tenório,” Diário Carioca, September 20, 1953, 1; and “Tenório?,” O Cruzeiro, October 17, 1953, 77.

88. “Vox populi,” Diário da Noite, September 8, 1953, 2.

89. Carnaval em Caxias, script, n.d, n.p. No known reel of Carnaval em Caxias exists. The original script, however, has survived in the Cinemateca holdings at Rio‘s Museum of Modern Art.

90. See Dulles, John W. F., A faculdade de direito de São Paulo e a resistência anti-Vargas (São Paulo: Editora da Universidade de São Paulo, 1984)Google Scholar.

91. “Não pode ver … ,” O Globo, 1; “Democracia en ação,” Tribuna da Imprensa, November 3, 1953, 1.

92. “Escorraçado Tenório,” A Província, November 1, 1953, 5; “Vergonha para a assembléia,” A Província, November 5, 1953, 6.

93. “Não pode ver sangue o guarda-costas do deputado Tenório Cavalcanti,” O Globo, November 1, 1953, 1.

94. “Tenório Cavalcanti foi, mas não falou,” Folha da Manhã, October 31, 1953, 8.

95. This and the next two paragraphs are based on “Tenório Cavalcanti foi, mas não falou” Folha da Manhã, October 31, 1953, 1, 8; “Não pode ver sangue o guarda-costas do deputado Tenório Cavalcanti,” O Globo, November 1, 1953, 1; “Democracia em acão … ,” Tribuna da Imprensa, 1; “Expulsão de Tenório,” A Província, November 12, 1953, 1, 6.

96. Weinstein, Modernity, 193–195.

97. “Escorraçado Tenório,” A Província, 1; “Lição ao pistoleiro,” A Província, November 5, 1953, 1; “Expulsão de Tenório,” A Província, 1, 6.

98. “Violento libelo contra Tenório na Câmara,” Diário da Noite, November 11, 1953, 10.

99. “Violento libelo,” Diário da Noite, 10.

100. “Violento libelo,“Diário da Noite, 10.”

101. “Democracia,” Tribuna da Imprensa, November 3, 1953, 1.

102. See Fischer, Brodwyn, A Poverty of Rights: Citizenship and Inequality in Twentieth-Century Rio de Janeiro (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2008), 6465Google Scholar, 308.

103. “Celebridades na praia,” O Cruzeiro, March 10, 1956, 74F; “O Brasil de copo na boca,” O Cruzeiro, September 7, 1957, 117; “Beleza veste capa preta,” O Cruzeiro, June 20, 1959, 5–6.

104. “Invadida a casa do deputado Tenório Cavalcanti por forças militares,” O Globo, July 18, 1957, 1. The article specifically referred to Avenida Brasil, which very closely follows the boundary between the Baixada and Rio, just south of the line.

105. Very few references to the “38th Parallel” exist beyond the reference in O Globo. It is very likely that the newspaper cut this concept from whole cloth in an effort to provide a nickname for the line separating Rio and the Baixada. If so, it did not catch on, and the descriptor quickly fell into disuse.

106. “O jogo, o vicio, e o cangaço politico ditam a lei para um milhão de almas,” Última Hora (Niterói), August 22, 1962, 5; “Tenório, marginal ficado quer se apossar do Palácio do Ingá,” Última Hora (Niterói), September 5, 1962, 5. Última Hora (Niterói) is not to be confused with the Rio-based Última Hora, the pro-Vargas newspaper run by Samuel Wainer.

107. McCann, “Carlos Lacerda,” 666–667.

108. Maria Victoria de Mesquita Benevides, A UDN e o udenismo: ambigüidades do liberalismo brasileiro, 1945–1964 (Rio de Janeiro: Paz e Terra, 1981), 105–107.

109. The short-lived state of Guanabara (1960–75) comprised the former federal district (the city of Rio de Janeiro) when the new capital at Brasília was inaugurated in 1960. In 1975, the state was eliminated and the city of Rio de Janeiro became incorporated into the state of Rio de Janeiro as the state capital, replacing Niterói.

110. Beloch, Capa Preta, 140–148.

111. Souza, Escavando, 8.

112. “Rio-Petrópolis é hoje a mais violenta das 10 rodovias federais que cortam estado,” O Día (Rio de Janeiro), March 20, 2016; “Rio, the Reluctant Metropolis: Introduction of the Baixada Fluminense,” Rioonwatch.org, July 13, 2015, accessed August 29, 2018.

113. Dudu do Morro Agudo and Stephanie Reist, “O custo da oportunidade,” Youtube video, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Q_60CIxvLHY, posted March 26, 2017. Reist notes that a common complaint among Baixada residents today is the lack of an integrated transportation system between Rio and the Baixada, making it difficult to travel from one place to the other.

114. “Obituário,” Isto É, May 12, 1987, 42.