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Segmented Possibilities: Migrant life Histories of Hindustani Workers in Post Colonial India

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  23 June 2020

Camille Buat*
Affiliation:
Centre d'Histoire de Sciences Po, Paris, and Centre for Modern Indian Studies, University of Göttingen

Abstract

Starting in the late 19 th century, workers from north India came to constitute the backbone of the urban and industrial labour force in Calcutta and neighboring mill municipalities. As they settled in and around the colonial metropolis, these Hindustani workers maintained strong connections with their rural homes. One generation after the other, they reproduced this dual settlement over the following decades. This bi-local structure of labour circulation, which linked village and city through the constant coming and going of men and women, progressively broke down from the late 20 th century onwards, following the closure of the large textile, engineering and paper industries which underpinned the economic vitality of the Calcutta region. The article sketches out the history of this socio-spatial configuration over the second half of the 20 th century, through the life histories of two migrant Hindustani workers. Born around 1940, Siraj Prajapati and Mohan Lal both spent the greater part of their working lives in Calcutta's industrial suburbs. Siraj, a potter by caste, was engaged in the artisanal production tea-cups in Howrah. Born into one of the most marginalized sections of north Indian society, Mohan managed to train as a mason, and was employed in the Titagarh Paper Mill through the 1960s and 70s. Both have now settled back in their respective villages of eastern Uttar Pradesh. Teasing out the contradictory ways in which both men frame their life trajectories, the article contributes a micro-perspective to the social history of rural-urban migration in post-colonial north India.

Type
Oral History and Indian Labor History
Copyright
Copyright © International Labor and Working-Class History, Inc., 2020

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Footnotes

This research would not have been possible without the help and support extended by Vaseem Akhtar, Vijay Rao and their families through my successive stays in eastern Uttar Pradesh. I am especially grateful to them for introducing me to Siraj Prajapati, Mohan Lal and their families, making possible the collection of the life narratives reproduced here. This paper was first presented at the workshop “Oral History and Labour in South Asia”, organized by ICAS:MP, re:work Humboldt Universiät zu Berlin and CeMIS, University of Göttingen on 23–24 May 2017. Extensive discussions with Naveen Chander on the life narratives presented here were instrumental in deepening my reflection on these sources and on the method of oral history. I am grateful to Ravi Ahuja, Vanessa Caru, Chitra Joshi, Paul André Rosental, Prasannan Parthasarathi, Catherine Servan Schreiber, Victoria Zurita, and two anonymous referees for their comments and suggestions. I remain responsible for all shortcomings of the paper.

References

NOTES

1. A generic term used to refer to Hindi and Urdu speakers, “Hindustani” is specifically used in Bengal to identify migrant workers from northern India. Tulsi Ram makes a reference to it in his autobiographical account see Ram, Tulsi, Murdahiya, Part One (New Delhi, 2012)Google Scholar.

2. The Indian Industrial Commission of 1918 noticed that by 1916, “about 90 per cent of the labour (employed in the Calcutta jute mills) is imported”, mainly from northern India. Indian Industrial Commission, 1916–1918, Report (Calcutta, 1918), 11Google Scholar.

3. Tinker, Hugh, A New System of Slavery: The Export of Indian Labour Overseas, 1830–1920 (London, 1974)Google Scholar, Sinha-Kerkhoff, Kathinka, Singh, Ellen Bal, Deo, Alok (eds), Autobiography of an Indian Indentured Labourer: Munshi Rahman Khan (1874–1972) (Delhi, 2005)Google Scholar.

4. The expression is taken from Markovits, Claude, Pouchepadass, Jaques and Subrahmanyam, Sanjay (eds.) Society and Circulation, Mobile People and Itinerant Cultures in South Asia, 1750–1950 (London, 2006) (1st edition 2003)Google Scholar. Important contributions to the long durée history of mobility in northern India also include: Yang, Anand, “Peasant on the Move: a Study of Internal Migration in India”, The Journal of Interdisciplinary History, 10, 1 (Summer, 1979), 3758CrossRefGoogle Scholar, Kolff, Dirk, Naukar, Rajput and Sepoy: The ethnohistory of the military labour market in Hindustan, 1450–1850 (Cambridge, 1990)Google Scholar, Haynes, Douglas and Roy, Tirthankar, “Conceiving mobility: Weavers’ migrations in pre-colonial and colonial India”, The Indian Economic and Social History Review, 36, 1 (1999), 3567CrossRefGoogle Scholar, de Haan, Arjan, “Migration and Livelihoods in Historical Perspective: A Case Study of Bihar, India”, Journal of Development Studies, 38, 5 (2002), 115142CrossRefGoogle Scholar, Kerr, Ian J., “On the Move: Circulating Labour in Pre-Colonial, Colonial and Post-Colonial India”, International Review of Social History, 51, Supplement (2006), 85109CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

5. Schreiber, Catherine Servan, Chanteurs itinérants en Inde du Nord, la tradition orale Bhojpuri (Paris, 2000)Google Scholar.

6. Repeated interviews with both Siraj and Mohan, as well as other members of their families, were conducted at diverse moments from October 2015 to September 2017. All names have been changed.

7. The following is based on various conversation with Siraj Prajapati, his wife Saraswati Devi and cousin Jagdish Prajapati on 2 October 2015, 12 November 2015, 13 November 2015 and 22 March 2017.

8. The following is based on various conversations with Mohan Lal, his wife Sarita Devi, and his elder son Sanjay especially on 7 October 2015, 16 Mach 2016, 23 March 2017 and 16 September 2017.

9. On the Shiv Narayan Panth see Maren Bellwinkel-Schempp, “Bhatki and Buddhism: Text, Context and Public Representation of Dalit Religiosity in Uttar Pradesh”, in Ibid., Neuer Buddhismus als gesellschaftlicher Entwurf, Zur Identitätskonstruktion der Dalits in Kanpur, Indien (Upsala, 2011), 187233Google Scholar.

10. The term mistri is extremely fluid. In many sectors it could be used to refer to labour contractors, recruiting and supervising workers. In Calcutta's small-scale tanneries, mistries were foremen, organizing work and handling workers. Mistri could also refer to a technician or a mechanic, as in the case of Calcutta's jute industries. It could also be used in the field of masonry, as seen with Mohan Lal. The term usually implied – often simultaneously – a degree of authority over other workers, as well as technical skill. In the case of Mohan Lal, though his position as a mistri demarcated him from simple labourers (mazdur), he did not particularly stress his authority over others. Indeed, he was himself under the authority of the different labour contractors (thikedars) employing him. Referring to himself as a mistri rather served to emphasize his professional status, as a skilled worker. For reference to the figure of the mistri in different contexts see Joshi, Chitra, Lost Worlds: Indian Labour and its Forgotten Histories, (New Delhi, 2002), esp. Chapter IIGoogle Scholar, “Between two Worlds, the Village and the City”, Sen, Samita, “Beyond the “Working Class” Women's role in Indian Industrialisation”, South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies, 22, 2 (1999), 95117CrossRefGoogle Scholar, Roy, Tirthankar, Traditional Industry in the Economy of Colonial India (Cambridge, 2004), 184Google Scholar.

11. The gauna is the ceremony whereby the wife is taken from her natal home to her in-laws.

12. See for instance Joshi, Lost Worlds, Chandavarkar, Rajnarayan, “Peasant and Proletarians in Bombay City”, in ibid., History, Culture and the Indian City (New York, 2009), 5982CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Ahuja, Ravi, “Networks of subordination – networks of the subordinated. The ordered spaces of South Asian maritime labour in an age of imperialism (c. 1890–1947)”, in The Limits of British Colonial Control in South Asia, Spaces of disorder in the Indian Ocean region, Tambe, Ashwini and Fischer-Tiné, Harald (ed.) (Oxon, 2009), 1448Google Scholar.

13. See, among others, the works of Nandini Gooptu and Maren Bellwinkel on urban centres in northern India. Gooptu, Nandini, The Politics of the Urban Poor in Early 20th Century India (Cambridge, 2001)Google Scholar; Bellwinkel-Schempp, Neuer Buddhismus.

14. Haan, Arjan de, “Calcutta's labour migrants: Encounters with modernity”, Contributions to Indian Sociology, 37, 189 (2003), 189215CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

15. See for instance Chakrabarty, DipeshCommunal Riots and Labour: Bengal's Jute Mill-Hands in the 1890s”, Past and Present, 91 (May 1981), 140169CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

16. Garza, Jesus Francisco Chairez, “Touching space: Ambedkar on the spatial features of untouchability”, Contemporary South Asia, 22, 1 (2014), 3750CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

17. Sankrityayan, Rahul, “Achuton ko kyaa chaahiye”, Dimaagi gulaami (Allahabad, 2016) (first edition 1956), 4750Google Scholar.

18. Ibid.

19. Ram, Murdahiya.

20. See Ahuja, “Networks of subordination – networks of the subordinated”, 19.

21. Such patterns of occupational and spatial segmentation along caste, religious and linguistic lines are noticed by studies on various urban and industrial centres see, among others Gooptu, The Politics of the Urban Poor, Nair, Janaki, Miners and millhands: work culture and politics in Princely Mysore (New Delhi, 1998)Google Scholar, de Haan, Arjan, “Migration in eastern India: A segmented labour market”, The Indian Economic and Social History Review, 32, 1 (1995), 5193CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

22. Much has been written on the figure of the jobber, and his role as recruiter and overseer of labour. There is no such figure in any of the life stories I collected, though many gave pride of place to the figure of a bold pioneer, usually an uncle, father or grand-father, who established the connection and made for their settlement in a specific occupational and spatial niche. For two contending views on the figure of the sardar in the jute industry see Chakrabarty, “Communal Riots and Labour”, and Chandavarkar, Rajnarayan, “The Decline and Fall of the Jobber System in the Bombay Cotton Textile Industry, 1870–1955”, Modern Asian Studies, 42, 1 (January 2008), 117210CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

23. Interview with Jagdish Prajapati, Siraj's cousin on 14 September 2017. Similarly, the association of Chamars with leatherwork in an urban context cannot simply be equated with the re-casting of a pre-existing skill. See Rawat, Ramnarayan S., Reconsidering Untouchability, Chamars and Dalit History in north India (Bloomington, 2011)Google Scholar.

24. Report of the Royal Commission on Labour in India, Vol. 5 Pt. 1, Written Evidence, Letter of the Government of Bengal (Calcutta, 1931), 21.

25. Buchanan, Daniel H., Development of capitalist enterprise in India (New York, 1934), 294Google Scholar.

26. At the time of the 1901 census, Bihar was still part of the Bengal province. The present number was obtained after adding the data for the relevant divisions of the then Bengal Province and for the United Provinces. Census of India, 1901. Vol. V, Pt. II, The Lower Provinces of Bengal and Their Feudatories, The Imperial Tables (Calcutta, 1902), 144–5. The overall population of the district grew by more than four times, from 850,514 to 3,729,644 over the same period. Census of India, 1991, Series 26 West Bengal, Part V.A and V.B; D Series, Migration tables, Vol. 1 (New Delhi, no date), 140–149.

27. Census of India, 1901, Vol. V, Pt. II, 115 and Census of India, 1991, West Bengal State District Profile (New Delhi, 1999), 101102Google Scholar.

28. In 1951, Howrah counted 73,957 people born in UP and Bihar for 97,018 Hindustani speakers. By 1971, the numbers stood at 117,760 and 272,222 respectively. The proportion of people born in UP and Bihar to the number of Hindustani speakers thus fell from 76% to 43% during this period. See Census of India, 1951, Vol. VI West Bengal, Sikkim and Chandernagore, Part II, Tables (Calcutta, 1953), 408 and 459Google Scholar; Census of India, 1971, series 22 West Bengal (Calcutta, no date), Part II-D(i), Migration Tables, 61–63 and Part II-C(ii), Social and Cultural Tables and Fertility Tables, 249–251.

29. Labour in West Bengal, 1980 (Department of Labour, Government of West Bengal), 93.

30. Report on Survey of Labour Conditions in Jute Factories in India (Labour Bureau, Government of India, 1965)Google Scholar.

31. Other sectors, similarly witnessed very little growth. Daily employment in the engineering industry, where 35% of the workforce originated from these regions, barely rose from 347 577 in 1974 to 361 784 in 1989, Labour in West Bengal, relevant years.

32. In 1982, 41.74% of 18,559 workers or around 7746 workers from UP were employed in the paper industry of West Bengal. In 1988 there were 3,75% of 14975 – 560 workers from UP. The decline of the large-scale industry was partly compensated by the rise of smaller units, mostly located in non-industrial areas, and employing local Bengali labour. Data for 1985 to 1987 was not available. Labour in West Bengal, relevant years.

33. Barbara Harriss-White rightly notes that patriarchy is as much about the subordination of women as about power relations between men “In this arena of power, young men are subordinated to older men – patriarchy in its original sense, the governance of male society by its elders. These ‘male relations of patriarchy’ – relations among men in which gender identity is important – (…) actually reinforce the marginalisation and subordination of women in various ways” Harriss-White, Barbara, India Working, Essays on Society and Economy (Cambridge, 2002), 104CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

34. In the village, where they mostly produced for local consumption, they collected clay and fuel in nearby fields, while in Howrah they purchased their raw material from private retailers and sold their products to nearby tea-sellers (within a two-kilometre radius of their settlement).

35. Here I follow Barbara Harris White's definition of the household as a “unit of production and reproduction, which is also the unit of control over technology and money” Harriss-White, India Working, 104.

36. Grierson, George A.Selected Specimens of the Bihari Language”, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, 43, 3 (1889), 517Google Scholar.

37. On the genealogy of the term see Kolff, Naukar, Rajput and Sepoy, and Kumar, Sunil, “Bandagi and Naukari, Studying transitions in political culture and service under the north Indian Sultanates, Thirteenth-Sixteenth Centuries”, in After Timur Left, Culture and Circulation in Fifteenth-Century north India, Orsini, Francesca and Sheikh, Samira (ed.) (Oxford 2014), 60107CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

38. Siraj's in-laws, for instance, have mostly made a living from agriculture, and only occasionally produced pottery.

39. The ability to adapt to changes in consumption patterns through time and space has been documented for other artisanal communities. See Haynes and Tirthankar Roy, “Conceiving mobility”.

40. Crooke, William, The tribes and castes of the North-western Provinces and Oudh (Calcutta, 1896), 339Google Scholar.

41. Geetha, V., “Bereft of Being: the Humiliations of Untouchability”, in Humiliation, Claims and Context, Guru, Gopal (ed.) (New Delhi, 2009), 97Google Scholar.

42. “Khud ko kar buland itna ke har taqdeer se pehle khuda bande se khud pooche, bata teri raza kya hai” In this quote Iqbal stresses the need to strengthen one's personality to cooperate with God. Schimmel, Anne Marie, Gabriel's Wing, A Study into the Religious Ideas of Sir Muhammad Iqbal (Lahore, 2003), 42Google Scholar.

43. Geetha, “Bereft of Being…”, 97.

44. Thakur is the title given to members of the Rajput caste, a landed and socially dominant community in the area.

45. Rooted in the bhakti tradition, the Shiv Narayan Panth typically rejected Brahmanical norm and emphasised egalitarianism. It also promoted social reform and temperance in an effort to stake claim to better social status. See Cohn, Bernard, “The Changing Status of a Depressed Caste”, in ibid., An Anthropologist among the Historians and Other Essays (Delhi, 1987), 255283Google Scholar.