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Measuring Racial Disparities in Police Use of Force: Methods Matter

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Abstract

Objectives

To understand the impact of measurement and analytic choices on assessments of police use of force (UOF) and racial disparities therein.

Methods

We collected and standardized UOF data (N = 9982 incidents) from a diverse set of 11 police departments, and measured departments’ aggregate force severity in five ways. We assessed the sensitivity of racial disparities in UOF severity to a series of analytic choices, using a 5 × 2 × 2 × 2 design comparing force severity to population and arrest benchmarks, using two definitions of minority group (Black/Nonwhite), and two modes of comparison (ratios/differences).

Results

Significant racial disparities were observed under most analytic choices in most departments. However, lethal force was rare, and estimates of lethal force disparities were statistically uncertain, as were departments’ relative ranks as equitable or disparate. Ratios of minority to White force severity were less sensitive to measurement differences within measures including nonlethal force. The choice of a population or arrest benchmark had implications for which departments emerged as highly disparate, while focal minority group and mode of comparison had less systematic effects.

Conclusions

Given increased scrutiny of police activity by advocates and policymakers, it is important to understand how measurement and other analytic choices affect our understanding of equity in police practices. Our findings demonstrate that analytical decisions interact in complex ways and that standardization is essential when comparing multiple departments. We recommend comprehensive data collection that includes nonlethal as well as lethal force, and make recommendations for measuring and contextualizing racial disparities in UOF and other police activity.

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Notes

  1. To expand upon dichotomous UOF concepts and operationalization, Alpert and Dunham (1997) constructed a measure referred to as the “force factor”, that relates information on officer force level to documented citizen resistance. Combining identically scaled, ordinal officer force level and citizen resistance level, one computes the force factor by subtracting citizen resistance from officer force (i.e., officer force—citizen resistance = force factor). Force factors with positive values then indicate officer force exceeding citizen resistance, while negative values indicate officer force less than citizen resistance, and values of zero indicate commensurate officer force and citizen resistance. Terrill et al. further develop the force factor by computing a force factor for each “sequence” or dyad of officer-citizen behaviors within an incident, which can then be summarized into an incident-level measure (Terrill et al. 2003). The force factor is envisioned as a tool to support police administrators in their use and interpretation of UOF information (ibid.). While the force factor has clear intradepartmental applications in the comparison of officers, work units, districts, or other officer groupings, variation in data collection practices across departments is a barrier to its use in interdepartmental comparisons. Limited or structurally different detail around citizen resistance, as well as variation in reliability that seems particularly salient in regards to police documentation of citizen resistance, precludes us from applying the force factor in the current work.

  2. The Oakland force ranking system is detailed in Appendix A in supplementary material.

  3. Department I, which reported the most lethal force per year, did not indicate subject race on any incidents of lethal force, and was therefore not considered in any disparity measures or rankings in CS2.

  4. As an additional sensitivity analysis, we also examined arrests for violent crime as an additional benchmark, with results presented in appendices. Police UOF often stems from events unrelated to violent crime (Zimring 2017); however, officers may form their beliefs about suspicion based on perceived propensities for violence (even if these perceptions are driven by stereotypes), making violent crime arrests a benchmark worth considering. The above-mentioned concern that arrest benchmarks may reflect racially disparate policing and arrest practices applies to this more specific benchmark as well; however, the extent to which this distortion disproportionately affects disparity estimates benchmarked to offense-specific arrests (rather than total arrests) is theoretically ambiguous.

  5. Observations were sampled with replacement from within each department, across all force categories. Different samples were drawn for Black/White and Nonwhite/White analyses. Replicating the analysis using 1000 bootstrapped samples produced substantively similar results.

  6. Of the 32 combinations of coding scheme, benchmark, minority group, and difference measure that involved lethal force, 7 had rank-order correlations between .5 and .75, 5 of which were equal to.6 or below, and statistically nonsignificant. All rank-order correlations below .5 were statistically nonsignificant.

  7. Disparity ratios benchmarked to violent crime arrests were attenuated further. Fewer departments recorded significant differences where Black subjects experienced significantly more severe force, some indicated that Black and White subjects experiences statistically similar benchmarked force severity, and some departments recorded disparities in which Black subjects experienced significantly less severe force than White subjects. Disparity rankings also differed when using a violent arrest benchmark, with departments previously among the most equitable (e.g., Department J, G, and C) moving to the middle of the distribution, and departments previously in the middle ranking toward the more equitable (e.g., department B). Details are presented in Appendix E in supplementary material.

  8. Notably, despite the changes in rankings observed when using a violent arrest rather than total arrest benchmark (presented in Appendix E in supplementary material), Department F remains the most disparate in lethal force, regardless of benchmark used.

  9. Department A also indicated that differences in UOF against Nonwhite and White subjects were statistically insignificant across schemes and benchmark choices, and Department K indicated insignificance in CS3 with a population benchmark. Departments A, and J had arrest-benchmarked differences that were statistically insignificant across all schemes, while Department G’s arrest-benchmarked differences were insignificant only in CS3 and CS5a.

  10. Disparities were attenuated in magnitude when benchmarked to arrests for violent crime, and like Black-White disparities, some departments’ Nonwhite-White ratios also indicated significantly more severe force against Whites than Nonwhites, some indicated statistically similar force severity, and others’ continued to indicate more severe force against Nonwhites. Departmental rankings also varied considerably, though the departments ranked as more disparate tended to be more robust than those ranked as more equitable.

  11. Unlike ratio measures of disparity, difference measures were larger in magnitude when benchmarked to violent arrests than total events, due to scale differences in the benchmarks. Like ratio measures, the rankings also varied when benchmarking to violent rather than total arrests.

  12. These are provided in Appendices E and F.

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Geller, A., Goff, P.A., Lloyd, T. et al. Measuring Racial Disparities in Police Use of Force: Methods Matter. J Quant Criminol 37, 1083–1113 (2021). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10940-020-09471-9

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